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Vol.  1 1,  No.  I,  pp.  1-176,  pis.  1-45  October  31,  1912 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE  KATO  LANGUAGE 


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PLINY  EARLE  GODDARD 


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2.  Hupa  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  89-368.    March,  1904 _.    3.00 

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Pp.  165-377.     January,  1907  2.25 

Index,  pp.  379-392. 

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February,  1907  _ 1.50 

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167-250.     May,  1907  75 

5.  The  Washo  Language  of  East  Central  California  and  Nevada,  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.    Pp.  251-318.    September,  1907  76 

6.  The  Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  319- 

856.     September,  1907  60 

Index,  pp.  357-374. 
Vol.  6.      1.  The  Phonology  of  the  Hupa  Language;  Part  I,  The  Individual  Sounds, 

by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard,    Pp.  1-20,  plates  1-8.    March,  1907 35 

2.  Navaho  Myths,  Prayers  and  Songs,  with  Texts  and  Translations,  by 

Washington  Matthews,  edited  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  21-63. 
September,  1907  _...      .75 

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1909    2.50 

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Northeastern  California  and  Southern  Oregon,  by  S.  A.  Barrett. 

Pp.  239-292,  plates  10-25.    June,  1910 75 

5.  The  Chimariko  Indians  and  Language,  by  Roland  B.  Dixon.    Pp.  293- 

380.     August,  1910  ,     1.00 

Index,  pp.  381-384. 
Vol.  6.      1.  The  Ethno-Geography  of  the  Pomo  and  Neighboring  Indians,  by  Sam- 
uel Alfred  Barrett.    Pp.  1-332,  maps  1-2.    February,  1908  3.26 

2.  The  Geography  and  Dialects  of  the  Miwok  Indians,  by  Samuel  Alfred 

Barrett.    Pp.  333-368,  map  3. 

3.  On  the  Evidence  of  the  Occupation  of  Certain  Regions  by  the  Miwok 

Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  369-380.    Nos.  2  and  3  in  oae  cover. 

February,  1908  ~ .50 

Index,  pp.  381-400. 
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38  text  figures.    June,  1907 _ 1.26 

2.  Recent  Investigations  bearing  upon  the  Question  of  the  Occurrence  of 
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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 


IN 


AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  ETHNOLOGY 


VOLUME    II 


A.  L.  KROEBER 

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BERKELEY 
1911-1916 


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Cited  as  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn. 


6076 


CONTENTS 


Number  1. — Elements  of  the  Kato  Language,  Pliny  Earle  Goddard,  pages 

1-176. 
Number  2. — Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Diegiieno  Language,  A.  L.  Kroeber 

and  J,  P.  Harrington,  pages  177-188. 
Number  3. — Sarsi  Texts,  Pliny  Earle  Goddard,  pages  179-277. 
Number  4. — Serian,  Tequistlatecan,  and  Hokan,  A.  L.  Kroeber,  pages  279- 

290. 
Number  5. — Dichotomous  Social  Organization  in  South  Central  California, 

Edward  Winslow .  Giff ord,  pages  291-296. 
Number  6. — The  Delineation  of  the  Day-Signs  in  the  Aztec  Manuscripts, 

T.  T.  Waterman,  pages  297-398. 
Number  7. — The  Mutsun  Dialect  of  Costanoan  Based  on  the  Vocabulary 

of  De  La  Cuesta,  J.  Alden  Mason,  pages  399-472. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 

IN 
AMERICAN   ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  11,  No.  1,  pp.  1-176,  pis.  1-45  October  31,  1912 


ELEMENTS  OF  THE  KATO  LANGUAGE 


BY 

PLINY  EAELE   GODDAED 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction   3 

Phonology  4 

Individual  Sounds  4 

Vowels  4 

Semi- Vowels   5 

Continuants  5 

Liquids    5 

Nasals   6 

Spirants  7 

Stops   9 

Labial   9 

Dentals    9 

Palatals  11 

Velar  12 

Glottal  12 

Affricatives  13 

Table  of  Sounds  13 

Comparison  of  Kato  and  Hupa  Sounds  14 

Assimilation  of  Sounds  17 

Modification  of  Syllables  17 

Morphology  19 

Nouns 19 

Simple,  Monosyllabic 19 

With  Possessive  Prefixes  21 

Parts  of  the  Body  21 

Clothing  23 

Eelatives   23 

Nouns  with  SuflBLxes  23 

Plural  and  Class  Suffixes  24 

Locative  Suffixes  24 

Suffix  with  Instrumental  Meaning  26 


8  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

PAGE 

Suffixes  of  Temporal-Modal  Force  26 

Suffixes  of  Size,  Shape,  and  Color  26 

Nouns  compounded  with  Nouns  27 

First  Noun  qualifies  the  Second  27 

With  Possessive  Prefix  for  Second  Component  27 

With  Second  Component  modifying  the  First  27 

Nouns  compounded  with  Adjectives  28 

Nouns  compounded  with  Verbs  29 

Adjectives  and  Verbs  used  as  Nouns  29 

Verbs  with  Instrumental  Prefix  used  as  Nouns  31 

PolysyUabie  Nouns  Unanalyzed  31 

Pronouns  32 

Personal 32 

Personal  Demonstratives  33 

Demonstratives  34 

Interrogative  and  Indefinite  Pronouns  34 

Adjectives  35 

Pronominal  Adjectives  35 

Numerals  36 

Cardinals  36 

Multiplicatives  36 

Distributives  36 

Directional  Words  37 

Adverbs  38 

Place    38 

Time  38 

Manner  and  Degree  39 

Postpositions    39 

Particles  and  Interjections  41 

Verbs  42 

Prefixes   42 

First  Position   42 

Adverbial 43 

Deictic  49 

Objective  51 

First  Modal  52 

Second  Modal  53 

Subjective  55 

Third  Modals  57 

Stems  59 

Suffixes    80 

Source  of  Information  80 

Modal    81 

Temporal    83 

Tenses  and  Modes  84 

Table  of  Analyzed  Verbs  85 

Interpretation  of  Tracings 86 

Explanation  of  Plates _ 88 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language 


INTRODUCTION 

In  general  structure  all  the  Athapascan  languages  have  great 
uniformity.  The  nouns,  when  not  monosyllabic,  are  built  upon 
monosyllables  by  suffixes,  or  are  sentence  verbs  used  as  substan- 
tives. The  verbs  have  adverbial  prefixes  expressing  spatial  rela- 
tions, subjective  and  objective  prefixes  expressing  syntactical 
relations,  stems  which  often  indicate  the  character  and  number 
of  the  subject  or  object,  and  suffixes  with  temporal,  modal,  and 
conjunctional  force. 

This  general  structure  has  been  rather  fully  discussed  in  the 
treatment  of  the  Hupa  dialect.^  As  has  been  said  in  another 
place,^  the  Kato  dialect  differs  from  Hupa  sufficiently  to  make 
them  mutually  unintelligible.  "While  this  is  due  chiefly  to 
phonetic  changes,  in  a  lesser  degree  it  is  due  to  differences  in 
vocabulary,  particularly  nouns  of  descriptive  meaning.  The 
suffixes  of  the  verbs  also  differ  considerably.  The  elements  which 
compose  the  words  of  each  dialect  are  nearly  all  identical  except 
for  the  phonetic  changes  which  exist. 

It  has  been  thought  sufficient,  considering  the  treatment 
already  given  the  Hupa  language,  to  provide  descriptions  of  the 
individual  sounds  occurring  in  Kato,  illustrated  as  fully  as  pos- 
sible with  tracings;  and  to  list  the  morphological  elements, 
accompanying  each  with  a  few  examples.  This  has  been  done 
with  the  expectation  that  the  chief  use  made  of  the  work  would 
be  comparative. 

The  material  employed  is  chiefly  that  contained  in  Kato 
Texts,^  to  the  pages  and  lines  of  which  the  numerals  after  the 
examples  refer.  The  tracings*  used  were  selected  from  about  one 
thousand  made  in  the  spring  and  fall  of  1908  by  Bill  Ray,  from 
whom  the  texts  also  were  obtained. 


1  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  m,  1905.     Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology  Bulletin  40,  87-158,  1910. 

2  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  v,  56,  1909, 

8  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  v,  65-238,  1909. 

*  For  a  description  of  the  apparatus  and  methods  consult  Amer.  Anthrop., 
n.s.  VII,  613-619;  and  v,  1-4,  of  this  series. 


4  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn,  [Vol.  11 

PHONOLOGY 

INDIVIDUAL   SOUNDS 

VOWELS 

The  vowels  occurring  in  Kato  are  a,  g,,  e,  §,  e,  i,  I,  6,  u,  and  u. 
Of  these,  ^,  §,  are  evident  modifications  of  a  and  e;  and  i  is  not 
at  all  common. 

a  in  quality  is  the  wide-mid-baek  in  English  father.  It  has  a 
very  uniform  length  of  .17  seconds. 

g,  is  narrow-mid-back  much  like  the  vowel  in  English  what. 
It  occurs  only  in  closed  syllables,  the  same  morphological  element 
when  rendered  open  having  unmodified  a,  e.g.,  -kw^ii,  -kwang,n. 
The  converse,  however,  is  not  true  that  a  becomes  §,  in  closed 
syllables.  The  stem  of  verbs  often  has  ^  in  the  present  and  a  in 
the  past:  tc'nnoLt'^s,  "cut  them"";  tc'n  ne  sIl  t'ats,  "I  cut  it. 
up."  It  is  probable  that  the  stem  is  more  strongly  stressed  in 
the  latter  case.  The  duration  is  usually  less  than  that  of  a, 
being  about  .11  seconds. 

e  is  open  in  quality  as  in  English  net.  It  is  of  frequent  occur- 
rence and  stable  in  its  character.  In  a  few  cases  only  does  it 
become  narrowed  to  §  as  in  English  err.  Its  duration  is  very 
uniform,  being  about  .17  seconds.  In  less  stressed  syllables  it 
is  morphologically  equivalent  to  Hupa  e  of  the  same  quality. 

i  always  has  the  closed,  continental  sound  as  in  English  pique. 
When  stressed  it  is  the  morphological  equivalent  of  Hupa  e. 

i,  the  open  sound  in  English  in,  is  but  rarely  heard.  It  is 
extremely  short  in  duration  and  is  detected  with  some  difficulty. 
It  has  been  uniformly  written  in  tc'in,  "he  said."  That  it  was 
as  uniformly  uttered  is  not  certain. 

6  with  the  close  quality  in  English  note  is  of  frequent  occur- 
rence, and  is  fairly  constant  in  its  character,  with  a  duration  of 
.17  seconds.  It  has  frequently  been  written  in  place  of  ti  as  a 
possessive  prefix,  when  its  duration  is  only  about  .1  second. 

u  has  the  sound  of  u  in  English  hut.  It  is  always  short 
in  duration,  about  .067  seconds.     It  corresponds  in  its  use  in 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  5 

morphological  elements  with  i  in  Hupa;  Kato  Lut,  Hupa  Lit, 
* '  smoke. ' ' 

u,  close  in  quality  as  in  rule,  occurs  as  a  possessive  prefix 
where  one  might  suspect  its  origin  to  be  connected  with  yo  and 
yl,  the  demonstrative.  That  it  is  not  a  vowel  originally  inde- 
pendent of  6  seems  probable.  The  closeness  of  quality  may  be 
due  to  neighboring  semi-vowels.  Even  in  this  prefix  it  is  often 
heard  as  o.    Its  duration  is  usually  short,  about  .1  second. 

SEMI-VOWELS 

y  initially  seems  to  begin  as  a  surd  and  to  pass  very  quickly 
into  a  sonant  glide.  It  adds  very  little  if  any  duration  to 
syllables.  "When  final  it  is  written  i  and  seems  in  some  cases  to 
have  belonged  to  a  separate  syllable. 

w  seems  to  have  developed  in  most  instances  from  completely 
sonant  g  under  the  influence  of  back  vowels.  In  a  few  morpho- 
logical elements  w  does  appear  without  such  influences,  but  in 
certain  Athapascan  dialects  g  appears  even  in  these.  "When  the 
w-like  glide  after  k  is  not  followed  by  a  vowel  it  is  surd  and 
written  w. 

CONTINUANTS 

Liquids 

The  only  sonant  liquid  is  the  lateral  one,  1.  Initially  in  the 
word  and  after  a  surd  spirant  the  first  half  of  the  1  is  surd  and 
the  latter  half  sonant.  The  first  portion  of  the  tracings  (pi.  1, 
figs.  1,  2)  shows  the  effect  of  a  single  flap  of  the  tongue  followed 
by  a  distinct  rise  of  the  tracing  point,  probably  due  to  a  greater 
opening  of  the  passage.  In  form,  the  tracing  resembles  that  for 
the  surd  spirant  l  (pi.  1,  fig.  9)  but  is  much  smaller. 

Between  vowels  (pi.  1,  fig.  4;  pi.  3,  fig.  3;  pi.  7,  fig.  9)  and 
fimal  in  the  syllable  (pi.  1,  figs.  3,  5;  pi.  9,  figs.  1,  7)  the  sonaney 
is  uninterrupted.  When  1  is  followed  by  a  glottal  stop  the 
sonaney  and  apparently  the  duration  of  the  sound  itself  are 
much  shortened.  The  sound  under  this  condition  makes  but 
little  impression  upon  the  English  ear,  and  it  is  often  heard  as 
a  surd.    The  tracings  in  plate  1,  figures  7-9,  do  show  a  degree  of 


6  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol,  11 

sonaney.     These  interrupted  sonants  seem  to  be  the  representa- 
tives of  Hupa  final  L.^ 

The  duration  of  1  is  about  .18  seconds. 

Nasals 

m, — The  bilabial  nasal  seems  to  occur  only  where  b  has  been 
assimilated  to  a  dental  or  palatal  nasal.  Examples  of  such 
assimilation  are  plainly  seen  in  cases  where  the  initial  sound  of 
a  verb-stem  is  b.  Whenever  it  is  preceded  by  n  or  ii,  b  becomes 
m  and  usually  the  preceding  nasal  becomes  m  (pi.  6,  figs.  6,  8). 
The  postposition  bi^  when  it  follows  a  nasal  becomes  mi«  (pi.  4, 
fig.  9).  There  is  one  word  with  an  initial  m  which  is  unex- 
plained, main,  ''weasel"  (pi.  6,  fig.  5).  The  duration  of  this 
sound  is  about  .1  second. 

In  common  with  several  Athapascan  dialects,  Kato  has  b, 
apparently  preserved,  where  Hupa  and  other  dialects  have  m. 
Perhaps  the  change  toward  m  began  with  these  words  where 
assimilation  took  place  and  afterwards  was  carried  through  the 
language  by  analogy. 

Syllabic  n. — In  many  words  in  Kato  n  stands  by  itself  in  a 
syllable  (pi.  4,  figs.  2,  3),  particularly  when  it  is  the  first  modal 
prefix  of  verbs  and  adjectives,  and  the  second  personal  posses- 
sive prefix  before  a  consonant.  Under  these  circumstances  Hupa 
has  a  vowel  i  preceding  the  n.  Such  a  vowel  was  imagined  to 
exist  in  Kato  and  was  at  first  written.  This  n,  unlike  the  con- 
sonant, has  no  sound  accompanying  the  release.  Its  duration  is 
about  .12  second. 

n. — The  dental  consonantal  n  when  initial  usually  has  the 
sonaney  beginning  about  .05  seconds  before  the  release  of  the 
tongue  (pi.  1,  fig.  8;  pi.  2,  fig.  3;  pi.  3,  figs.  5,  6).  In  some 
instances  the  sonaney  seems  to  follow  the  release  in  about  .01 
second  (pi.  4,  fig.  7),  in  this  respect  agreeing  with  g  and  d  when 
initial. 

"When  n  occurs  within  a  word  it  is  sonant  throughout  (pi.  4, 
figs.  6,  7).    Its  duration  is  about  .1  second. 

The  final  nasal  seems  usually  to  be  palatal  rather  than  dental, 


B  Present  series,  v,  pi.  6,  fig.  9. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  7 

but  it  becomes  dental  when  another  syllable  beginning  with  a 
vowel  is  suffixed.  In  that  case  the  n  is  often  heard  doubled  as 
the  final  and  initial  sounds  of  the  adjoining  syllables.  This  is 
revealed  in  the  tracings  of  plate  3,  figure  1  of  which  shows  a 
more  complete  closure  of  the  mouth  passage  for  the  second  n. 
Figure  6  of  the  same  plate  shows  a  decided  increase  in  the 
amplitude  of  the  vibrations  of  the  nasal  tracing,  apparently  due 
to  the  lower  pitch  of  the  final  syllable,  which  happens  to  be 
favored  by  the  tambour  in  use. 

fi. — The  palatal  nasal  seems  to  be  characterized  by  an  incom- 
plete closure  of  the  mouth  passage,  or  by  its  closure  sometime 
after  the  lowering  of  the  velum.  This  results  in  a  nasalized 
sonant,  palatal  spirant,  or  a  nasalized  vowel,  according  to  the 
degree  of  elevation  of  the  back  of  the  tongue,  but  since  the 
earlier  part  of  the  vowel  and  the  latter  part  of  nasal  are  pure, 
the  mixed  character  is  not  particularly  noticeable  to  the  ear. 
Final  g  also  has  a  similar  incompleteness  of  contact. 

Often  the  palatal  n  is  followed  by  a  glottal  stop  (pi.  3,  figs. 
3-5),  The  sound  is  somewhat  obscured  in  that  case  and  at  first 
the  glottal  stop  was  supposed  to  precede  the  nasal.  None  of  the 
tracings  reveal  such  an  order.  The  glottis  seems  to  open  and 
the  velum  to  fall  at  the  same  instant,  causing  a  simultaneous 
raising  of  both  tracing  points.  Kato  seems  to  differ  from  Hupa 
as  to  the  order  of  the  glottal  stop  and  nasal,  as  appears  from 
plate  5  of  volume  5  in  this  series. 

Spirants 

The  spirants  of  Kato  are  four  in  number,  s,  c,  l,  and  h,  all 
of  them  normally  voiceless.  In  a  few  instances  the  initial  por- 
tion is  voiced  at  a  low  pitch,  probably  due  to  the  gradual  separa- 
tion of  the  vocal  chords.  This  low-pitched  voicing  of  the  initial 
portion  impressed  the  hearer,  in  some  cases,  rather  than  the 
middle  and  last  surd  portion,  and  the  sound  was  accordingly, 
recorded  as  a  sonant.  In  a  number  of  cases  intervocalic  h 
appears  with  low  pitch  vibrations  of  great  amplitude  continuing 
throughout  its  duration.  If  it  be  true  that  the  glottal  spirant 
is  caused  by  the  friction  of  the  air  current  as  it  passes  the  true 


8  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

vocal  chords,  there  may  well  be  degrees  of  their  retraction  and 
relaxation. 

s. — When  initial,  the  tracing  of  s  is  usually  a  regular  para- 
bolic curve  (pi.  5,  fig.  1;  pi.  6,  fig.  7),  showing  a  duration  for 
the  sound  of  about  .22  second.  In  an  intervocalic  position  (pi.  1, 
fig.  7)  it  may  appear  as  a  straight  line  or  as  an  upward  curve 
according  to  the  elevation  of  the  adjoining  vowel  tracing.  Final 
in  the  syllable,  which  is  a  frequent  position  because  of  its  occur- 
rence as  a  suffix,  it  usually  appears  as  a  regular  descending 
parabolic  curve  (pi.  3,  figs.  5,  6;  pi.  5,  fig.  2;  pi.  8,  figs.  2,  8;  pi. 
10,  figs.  1,  4,  7)  of  from  .16  to  .25  of  a  second  in  length.  When 
final  in  the  word,  s  is  sometimes  quite  prolonged  (.33  second) 
and  shows  a  depression  followed  by  a  regular  elevation.  The 
form  of  the  curve  is  due  to  variation  in  breath  pressure  con- 
trolled in  the  last  analysis  by  the  size  of  the  opening  between 
the  tongue  and  the  palate,  and  possibly,  though  not  probably,  to 
increase  in  the  lung  pressure. 

c. — When  initial  before  a  consonant  c  (sh)  seems  to  be  syllabic 
(pi.  5,  fig.  4;  pi.  11,  fig.  5).  It  is  distinguished  from  s  with 
difficulty  by  ear  and  its  tracings  closely  resemble  those  of  that 
sound.  In  other  situations  in  the  syllable  and  word  the  remarks 
above  concerning  s  apply  to  c.  In  Hupa  the  corresponding 
sound  is  hiy  (-w).^ 

L. — The  position  for  this  sound  seems  identical  with  that 
for  1.  The  tracings  of  it  (pi.  2,  figs.  1,  2,  4;  pi.  11,  fig.  3) 
usually  show  evidence  of  a  single  flap  or  movement  of  the  tongue 
and  sometimes  (pi.  42,  fig.  12)  the  slighter  movements  which 
may  represent  the  spirant  character.  In  a  few  eases  (pi.  10, 
fig.  2;  pi.  8,  fig.  1)  the  sonancy  of  the  preceding  vowel  continues 
into  the  1,  but  in  all  other  respects  it  is  surd.  The  sound  is  of 
the  same  character  as  that  found  in  Hupa.''  The  average  length 
is  a  little  less  than  .2  of  a  second. 

h,  '. — Tracings  of  this  sound  in  the  initial,  medial,  and  final 
(' )  positions  are  to  be  seen  in  plate  5,  figures  7-9.    In  duration 


6  Work  cited,  v,  10. 

t  lUd.,  pi.  6,  figs.  2,  4,  5,  6. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  9 

it  is  comparable  to  s  and  c.    As  has  been  remarked  above,  when 
medial  it  often  has  low-pitched  vocal  chord  vibrations. 

G. — A  sonant  spirant  in  the  postpalatal  position  occurs  be- 
tween vowels  and  finally.  It  has  probably  resulted  from  a  stop, 
the  closure  being  incomplete. 

STOPS 

Six  positions  and  three  kinds  of  stops  may  be  distinguished 
in  Kato.  The  positions  are  bilabial,  dental,  prepalatal,  post- 
palatal,  velar,  and  glottal.  The  dental  and  palatal  ones  occur  as 
sonants  or  intermediates,  aspirated  surds,  and  surds  accompanied 
by  glottal  action. 

Labial 

b. — In  the  bilabial  position  only  one  kind  is  found,  which  from 
its  resemblance  to  the  corresponding  members  of  other  series  may 
be  called  a  sonant.  The  sonancy,  however,  does  not  occur  until 
after  the  separation  of  the  lips  (pi.  5,  fig.  3) ;  the  impulse  for 
their  separation  and  for  the  approximation  of  the  vocal  chords 
seeming  to  be  synchronous.  In  regard  to  the  tracings  it  should 
be  observed  that  the  lips,  being  tightly  confined  within  the  speak- 
ing funnel,  often  compress  the  air  and  elevate  the  recording  point 
during  the  closure,  obscuring  the  effect  of  the  release,  a  result 
quite  different  from  that  produced  by  the  other  stops. 

When  b  is  preceded  by  a  nasal  it  is  assimilated  to  m.  It  does 
not  occur  in  the  final  position  of  the  syllable. 

Its  duration  averages  about  .18  seconds. 

Dentals 

d. — The  sonancy  of  d  occurs  about  .04  seconds  after  the  with- 
drawal of  the  tip  of  the  tongue  from  the  sockets  of  the  teeth. 
Perhaps  that  interval  is  required  for  the  adjustment  of  the  chords 
after  the  nervous  impulse  is  received  (pi.  7,  fig.  1).  It  will  be 
observed  that  laryngeal  adjustment  of  some  sort  is  synchronous 
with  the  initial  adjustment  of  the  tongue  marked  by  the  first 
vertical  lines  in  figures  1,  2,  3  of  plate  7.  Since  only  the  latter 
third  of  the  sound  is  sonant,  and  since  its  strength  of  enunciation 
does  not  differ  from  the  surd  so  much  as  is  usual  in  European 


10  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

languages,  it  is  heard  by  many  as  a  surd.  The  sound  is  not  found 
in  the  final  position  of  the  syllable,  nor  could  it  be  expected  since 
in  that  situation  the  sonant  portion,  the  end  glide,  is  wanting. 

t. — In  the  sound  represented  by  t,  the  final  glide  is  surd 
breath  resulting  in  an  aspiration  perhaps  a  little  stronger  than 
in  accented  English  syllables  (pi.  7,  figs.  4-6).  In  several  cases 
t  by  itself  composes  a  syllable  (pi.  6,  fig.  3;  pi.  7,  fig.  2).  In 
similar  situations  Hupa  has  d  if  the  sound  be  initial,  and  t  if  it 
be  final,  with  a  weak  vowel  if  necessary.  Where  t  and  d  occur 
in  the  same  word  t  appears  as  a  higher  tracing,  indicating  its 
somewhat  stronger  character.  In  duration  the  closure  is  about 
.1  second  and  the  glide  about  as  long. 

t'. — The  third  member  of  the  dental  series  is  one  of  those 
peculiar  American  sounds  often  called  fortes  or  exploded.  The 
upper  larynx  line  (pi.  7,  figs.  7-9)  shows  a  rather  marked  depres- 
sion beginning  as  the  tongue  reaches  the  position  of  closure, 
culminating  an  instant  after  its  release,  and  gradually  returning 
during  the  glide,  the  latter  portion  of  which  is  sonant.  In 
figure  9  both  t'  and  t  occur,  with  a  definite  depression  for  t'  but 
none  for  t,  although  it  is  nearly  twice  as  high  in  the  lower  breath 
tracing.  The  initial  sound  also  has  the  depression  for  tc',  of  the 
same  character  as  the  sound  under  discussion. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  recording  point  does  not  ascend  so 
high  as  for  d  even,  and  immediately  returns  to  the  line  marked 
by  the  preceding  closure  or  even  below  it.  It  seems  probable  that 
the  larynx  tracing  records  a  bodily  movement  of  that  organ 
which  normally  occurs  when  the  glottis  is  closed  by  the  depres- 
sion of  the  epiglottis.  The  glottal  stop  (pi.  7,  fig.  7)  has  a  similar 
depression. 

It  seems  that  while  the  tongue  is  against  the  teeth  closing  the 
passage  through  the  mouth  the  velum  is  raised,  closing  the  nasal 
passages,  and  the  glottis  is  closed  by  the  epiglottis.  The  mouth 
and  throat  form  at  that  time  a  closed  chamber  filled  with  com- 
pressed air  which  escapes  as  the  tongue  is  withdrawn,  causing  the 
moderate  elevation  of  the  tracing  point.  Immediately  after  the 
release  of  the  tongue,  while  the  glottis  is  at  least  partly  closed, 
some  movement,  perhaps  the  lowering  again  of  the  larynx,  causes 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  11 

a  degree  of  suction.  These  sounds  have  a  characteristic  harsh 
effect  on  the  ear.  Examples  of  this  sound  in  the  final  position 
may  perhaps  be  seen  in  plate  11,  figures  5  and  6,  In  the  lower, 
breath,  line  of  the  latter  the  tongue  release  may  be  seen  about 
4  mm.  after  the  last  vertical  line  and  a  second  one,  probably  the 
glottal  release,  10  mm.  after  the  first  one.  That  the  laryngeal 
movement  is  synchronous  with,  not  posterior  to,  the  dental  stop, 
appears  from  the  depression  in  the  larynx  line  of  figure  5  of  this 
plate. 

Palatals 

The  palatal  stops  seem  mostly  to  be  in  the  postpalatal  position, 
the  prepalatal  stops  apparently  having  become  affricatives.  In 
many  cases  it  is  rather  difficult  to  be  sure  whether  tc  is  uttered 
or  a  prepalatal  k  with,  perhaps,  a  glide.  There  are  three  sorts 
of  the  postpalatal  stops  of  the  same  general  character  as  those  of 
the  dental  series,  and  in  addition  considerable  variation  in  the 
sonant  depending  upon  the  position  in  the  syllable. 

g. — Initially  the  sonancy  of  g  begins,  as  in  d,  about  .02  seconds 
after  the  release  of  the  tongue  (pi.  8,  fig.  1).  Between  vowels, 
and  in  some  cases  even  between  vowel  and  consonant,  the  sonancy 
is  continuous,  and  the  contact  slight  and  of  short  duration  (pi.  8, 
figs.  2,  3) .  If  an  o  or  ii  follows,  it  is  often  heard  as  w.  In  Hupa, 
in  both  the  initial  and  medial  positions,  w  occurs  in  all  vowel 
settings.  Finally  in  a  word  and  before  a  surd  spirant  the  contact 
is  incomplete  and  a  sonant  continuant  is  heard  (pi.  8,  fig.  9) 
written  g.'^* 

k. — The  aspiration  of  the  palatal  surd  is  more  noticeable  than 
in  the  case  of  the  corresponding  dental.  The  duration  of  this 
aspiration,  between  the  release  of  the  tongue  and  the  beginning 
of  the  vowel,  averages  .08  seconds  (pi.  9,  figs.  1-3).  In  numbers 
of  cases  this  consonant  is  syllabic,  representing  the  pronoun  of 
the  third  person  either  as  a  possessive  prefixed  to  a  noun  or  the 
object  prefixed  to  the  verb.  In  this  case  and  in  some  others  the 
aspiration  sounds  as  a  surd  w.  A  sound  of  this  'k.w  sort  occurs 
finally  and  between  a  vowel  and  consonant  (pi.  11,  fig.  1).    It  is 


7a  It  now  seems  certain  that  two  g's  have  been  confused:  one,  not  very 
frequent,  is  intermediate;  the  other  is  fully  sonant,  corresponding  to  w  in 
Hupa. 


12  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

quite  probable  that  the  w-tinge  is  imparted  by  the  remains  of  an 
o  or  ti  vowel.  It  appears  that  the  ordinary  aspirated  k  when 
final  usually  loses  its  third  or  aspirated  portion  and  resembles 
an  unaspirated  k.  Hupa  has  a  surd  palatal  continuant  (x)  as 
the  corresponding  sound  in  all  situations. 

k'. — The  third  member  of  the  series  is  of  the  same  character 
as  t'.  Its  tracings  show  the  same  depression  in  the  larynx  line 
and  a  similar  reduction  in  the  height  attained  by  the  breath 
tracing  with  the  following  retraction.  It  has  a  harsh,  cracking 
sound,  still  more  noticeable  than  that  of  t'.  A  k  of  this  sort  fol- 
lowed by  w  is  also  found  (pi.  9,  fig.  9).  When  final  it  is  rather 
hard  to  be  sure  which  k  should  be  written,  but  it  almost  certainly 
occurs  in  plate  11,  figure  8,  and  perhaps  in  many  other  words.  It 
corresponds  to  the  only  k  of  Hupa,  in  which  language  the  palatal 
sonants  seem  to  have  become  w,  and  the  aspirated  surd  palatal 
stops  the  surd  palatal  spirant  x. 

Velar 

q. — A  few  words  have  a  sound  clearly  different  from  the 
palatal  sounds  discussed  above.  This  difference  seems  to  be  one 
of  position.  The  sound  appears  to  be  a  velar,  unaspirated  and 
intermediate  as  to  sonancy  (pi,  8,  figs.  7,  8). 

Glottal 

That  the  glottal  stop  («)  occurs  in  the  initial  position  in  a  word 
is  not  certain.  It  is  initial  in  the  verbal  stems  -^a,  -«ai,  and  -fan, 
but  these  stems  of  course  are  never  the  first  syllable  of  words. 
When  intervocalic  (pi.  11,  fig.  9)  the  stop  is  usually  heard  as  a 
short  pause  between  the  two  sounds,  and  is  likely  to  be  over- 
looked as  insignificant  or  not  even  noticed  until  attention  is  called 
to  it.  When  it  is  final  (pi.  1,  figs.  2,  6)  it  is  much  more  promi- 
nent, for  in  that  situation  its  release  is  plainly  heard  as  an 
aspiration.  Its  duration  in  this  situation  is  much  longer.  Its 
presence  may  also  be  detected  by  its  effect  upon  the  vowel  or 
consonant  which  it  follows  (pi.  11,  fig.  3).  It  has  the  result  of 
reducing  the  duration  of  a  preceding  sonant  (vowel,  liquid,  or 
nasal)  to  be  about  one-half  of  the  usual  length. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  13 

APFRICATIVES 

The  classification  of  the  affricatives  (stops  plus  spirants) 
is  rather  difficult  in  Kato.  A  sonant  dj  occurs  in  a  number  of 
syllables  (pi.  10,  figs.  1,  4),  but  there  is  usually  some  question 
as  to  the  sonancy  and  also  the  position;  dj,  g,  tc,  and  ky  at  first 
having  been  written  for  the  same  sound.  An  unmistakable  surd 
tc  also  occurs  with  aspiration  which  takes  place  through  the 
sh  (c)  position  (pi.  10,  figs.  2,  5). 

A  surd  with  glottal  accompaniment  (tc')  is  frequent  (pi.  10, 
figs.  3,  4,  6,  9)  ;  a  deictic  prefix  of  this  sort  being  present  in  a 
large  number  of  verbs.    It  is  often  syllabic. 

It  is  rather  doubtful  if  ts  occurs  in  any  large  number  of 
cases.  The  diminutive  suffix,  of  very  frequent  use  in  Kato,  often 
sounds  as  much  like  ts  as  it  does  like  tc.  This  is  probably  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  second  part  of  the  sound  is  formed  in  a 
position  or  in  a  manner  between  s  and  sh  as  heard  in  English. 

L. — In  some  cases  a  lateral  surd  consonant  of  an  1  character 
seems  to  be  accompanied  by  the  same  sort  of  glottal  or  epiglottal 
action  which  affects  the  surd  stops  and  the  affricative  tc'.  This 
is  especially  plain  in  the  tracing  plate  2,  figure  7.  The  effect,  as 
in  the  other  sounds  of  this  character,  is  to  reduce  the  energy  of 
the  breath,  as  is  uniformly  shown  by  the  height  of  the  tracings, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  impart  a  harshness  which  is  strikingly 
noticeable. 

TABLE  OF  SOUNDS 
stops  Continuants 


P 

-a 

ll 

P.0O 
< 

Oit|02 

s 

E 

CO 

10 

11 

O  u 
COitl 

< 

<D 

Si 

* 

1 

a 

1 

Bilabial 

b 

m<b 

Apical -dental 

d 

t 

t' 

s 

ts 

ts',s' 

n 

Median-prepalatal 

c 

dj 

tc 

tc' 

Lateral  -  prepalatal 

L 

L 

1 

Post-palatal 

g 

k 

k' 

G 

& 

Velar 

q 

Glottal 

6 

W 

Semivowels:  y,  w. 

14  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 


Vowels. 


e        §  5 

i  tL 

1  11 


COMPARISON  OP  KATO  AND  HUPA  SOUNDS 

Kato  a  and  §  correspond  to  Hupa  a  and  ^  (written  u). 
Kato  a' ,  cloud ;  Hupa  a,  cloud. 

Kato  ya  guL  gal,  he  threw  up ;   Hupa  ya  wIl  waL,  he  threw  through 
the  air. 

Kato  6 ;  Hupa  e. 

Kato  fee,  coal;  Hupa,  *eu«?,  eoal. 

Kato  tesdel*^;  Hupa  tcit  tes  deL,  they  went. 

Kato  i ;  Hupa  e. 

Kato  ci,  I;  Hupa,  hwe,  I. 

Kato  do  gis  in,   one   could  not   see ;    Hupa   do  x6  du  wes  en,   it   could 
not  be  seen. 

Kato  0 ;  Hupa  5. 

Kato  L6%  grass;   Hupa  Lo,  grass. 

Kato  note'unto^,  water  reached;  Hupa  no  it  to,  the  water  comes. 

Kato  u ;  Hupa  i. 

Kato  Lut,  smoke;  Hupa  Lit,  smoke. 

Kato  nas  fits,  he  ran  about ;  Hupa  nas  its  ei,  he  ran  about. 

Kato  gullut,  it  burns;  Hupa  willit,  it  burns. 

Kato  y ;  Hupa  y. 

Kato  ya*,  louse;  Hupa  ya,  louse. 

Kato  ye  nat  ya,  he  went  in ;   Hupa  ye  na  wit  yai,  he  went  in. 

Kato  1 ;  Hupa  1. 

Kato  l^t,  seaweed;  Hupa  la,  seaweed. 

Kato  tc'us  li*,  he  caught  in  a  noose;  Hupa  tsis  loi,  he  tied  in  bundles. 

Kato  tc'ttelos,  he  led;  Hupa  natelos,  she  dragged  back. 

Kato  L ;  Hupa  l. 

Kato  Lon,  squirrel;  Hupa  Lon,  mouse. 

Kato  Lei  yits,  he  tied  together ;   Hupa  Le  il  loi,  he  tied  together. 

Kato  tc'e  nan  La,  he  jumped  out ;  Hupa  tee  il  Lat,  he  jumped  out. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Koto  Language  15 

Kato  L ;  Hupa  L. 

Kato  uLol,  its  straps;  Hupa  L6l,  strap. 

Kato  te'Loi  un  gi,  she  is  making  a  basket;  Hupa  keitL5,  she  used 
to  make  baskets. 

Kato  syllabic  n ;  Hupa  n  and  i  or  other  vowel. 

Kato  ntcel^,    your    younger    brother;    Hupa  nittai,    your    paternal 

uncle. 
Kiito  n  das  si,  it  is  heavy ;  Hupa  nit  das,  it  is  heavy. 

Kato  n ;  Hupa  n. 

Kato  ne^,  land;  Hupa  nin,  ground. 

Kato  nanunyai,  she  started  across;   Hupa  naninyai,  he  crossed. 

Kato  n ;  Hupa  n  or  n.* 

Kato  otc'ufi^,  toward  it;  Hupa  xo  tcifi,  toward  her. 
Kato  de  t  gunman,  he  put  it  in  the  fire;   Hupa  deduwinan,  he  put 
in  incense. 

Kato  s ;  Hupa  s. 

Kato  usuts,  its  skin;  Hupa  sits,  skin,  bark. 

Kato  do  kw  ne  sfln,  I  was  insensible ;   Hupa  ai  ne  sen,  I  thought. 

Kato  e ;  Hupa  hw. 

Kato  ea,  moon;  Hupa  hwa,  moon. 

Kato  nee  in  tele,  let  me  look;  Hupa  niiu;  in,  let  me  look. 

Kato  nL  cun^,  black;  Hupa  Liihwin,  black. 

Kato  b ;  Hupa  m. 

Kato  bun  k'ut,  lake ;  Hupa  munk,  lake. 

Kato  bes  ya  hut,  he  climbed  up  when;  Hupa  me  is  La  dei,  he  ran  up. 

Kato  na'be,  swim  (plu.  imp.);  Hupa  nauwj  me,  let  me  swim. 

Kato  d ;  Hupa  d.^ 

Kato  u  da^,  his  mouth;  Hupa  xot  da,  his  mouth. 

Kato  da  n5  la,  she  put  it  up ;  Hupa  da  na  wil  lai,  she  pHt  it. 

Kato  be  duL,  let  us  climb ;  Hupa  wei  diL,  we  will  go. 

Kato  dj ;  Hupa  dj. 

Kato  dje',  pitch;  Hupa  dje,  pitch. 

Kato  dje^  guLtceL,  he  split  open;  Hupa  djewlLkil,  he  tore  open. 

Kato  t,  Hupa  t. 

Kato  to,  water;  Hupa  to,  ocean. 

Kato  te' tc' gun  tal*,  he  stepped  in  water;  Hupa  te  no  du  win  taL,  he 
stepped  in  water. 


8  It  is  not  certain  that  this  is  a  phonetic  change.  The  occurrence  of 
n  and  n  in  Hupa  stems  regularly  marking  temporal-modal  changes  may 
have  been  extended  by  analogy. 

»  When  a  prefix  such  as  follows  de-,  in  fire,  stands  alone,  it  becomes  t 
in  Kato,  e.g.,  de  t  gun  *^n  (Hupa  deduwinan),  he  put  on  the  fire;  but 
otherwise  it  is  d  also  in  Kato,  as  in  de  dun  *^c,  put  on  the  fire. 


16  University  of  California  Puhlications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

Kato  t' ;  Hupa  t.^" 

Kato  t'e^,  blanket;   Hupa  te,  blanket. 

Kato  ta  gut  fats,  he  butchered ;   Hupa  kit  te  tats,  he  cut  them. 

Kato  tc ;  Hupa  tc. 

Kato  L  tcuc,  dust ;  Hupa  Lit  tcuw,  sand. 

Kato  wa  nun  tci  bun,  it  will  blow  through ;   Hupa  da  kyu  wes  tee,  the 
wind  blew. 

Kato  tc ;  Hupa  tew. 

Kato  c  tco,   my  grandmother ;    Hupa  mite  tcwo,  its   grandmother. 

Kato  uL  tci,  make  it ;  Hupa  iL  tcwe,  make  it. 

Kato  tc'un  gun  tee  Ge,  he  cried ;    Hupa  tcu  win  tcwu,  he  cried. 

Kato  tc;  Hupa  k  (prepalatal). 
Kato  tcun,  tree;  Hupa  kin,  tree. 

Kato  nteel^,  your  brother;  Hupa  mikkil,  her  brother. 
Kato  gul  tcut,  he  caught  them ;  tee  xoL  kit,  he  caught  him. 

Kato  tc' ;  Hupa  tc,  ky.^^ 

Kato  tc'  nes  tin,  he  lay  down ;  Hupa  tcin  nes  ten,  he  lay  down. 
Kato  tc'gunyan^,  he  ate  of  it;  kyuwinyan,  he  ate  it  . 

Kato  g ;  Hupa  w. 

Kato  gGL  geF,  it  was  evening;   Hupa  wilweL,  dark,  night. 
Kato  sel  gin,  he  killed ;  Hupa  tee  seL  wen,  he  killed. 

Kato  k ;  Hupa  x. 

Kato  kai  hit',  winter  time ;  Hupa  xai,  winter. 

Kato  kayaci^,  they  dug;  Hupa  xakehwe,  she  commenced  to  dig. 

Kato  wa^ufi  kan,  she  gave  him;   Hupa  x5watcinxan,  she  gave  her. 

Kato  kw ;  Hupa  x. 

Kato  kwon^,  fire;  Hupa  xon,  fire. 

Kato  kw  na^,  his  eyes;  Hupa  xon  na,  his  eyes. 

Kato  kwa'  la,  you  did ;  Hupa  xa  ul  le,  do  that. 

Kato  k';  Hupa  k.     (The  same  sound.) 
Kato  k'^t  de^,  soon;  Hupa  kut  de,  soon. 
Kato  k'e  tc'us  fats,  he  cut;  Hupa  kit  te  tats,  he  cut  them. 
Kato  nun  un  duk  k'e^,    get    up    (imp.    sing.);     Hupa    in  na  is  diik  ka, 
she  got  up. 

Kato  k'w ;  Hupa  k. 

Kato  k'wuf,  on;  Hupa  kut,  on. 

Kato  q ;  Hupa  q. 

Kato  qo,  worm;  Hupa  qo,  worm. 

Kato  un  qot,  spear  it;   Hupa  ya  a  qot,  they  always  stuck  them. 


10  Hupa  t  is  but  an  earlier  orthography  for  f  used  in  Kato. 

11  In  Hupa  tc  with  glottal  accompaniment  was  not  differentiated  from 
the  few  occurrences  of  simple  tc. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  17 


ASSIMILATION  OF  SOUNDS 

The  instances  of  assimilation  noticed  are  the  following : 
b  following  n  or  ii  becomes  m : 

kw5n^  mi^    (for  kwSn'^bi^),  fire  in.     119-13.12 
kwofi^  mun  a  (for  kwon^buna),  fire  before.     119-16. 
tummie  (for  tunblc),  swim.     118-16. 

t  final  in  verbal  stems  followed  by  b  or  k  is  assimilated : 

uLtc^kkwan   (for  ul  te^t  kwan),  you  shouted.     164-17. 

na  SOL  Luk  kw^n   (for  na  sol  Lut  kwf},n ) ,  you  have  burned?     174-4. 

una  nun  Lub  bun     (for    u  na  nun  Lut  bun),    around    you    must    burn. 

104-10. 
nolkubbun  (for  nolkutbun),  will  float  ashore.     85-10. 

t'  of  k'wut',  on,  becomes  n  before  words  beginning  with  n : 
k'wun  na  gai,  on  it  he  walked.    78-1. 
k'wun  n5L  tin,  she  put  it  on.     181-3. 

g  preceded  by  ii  becomes  ii  or  disappears : 

na  huS.  ^t  (for  na  hun  g%t),  you  untie.     123-7. 
tc'enani  (for  tc'engani),  killed.     157-5. 
te'nnunin   (for  tc'nnungin),  he  brought.     135-11. 

MODIFICATION  OF  SYLLABLES 

It  is  well  known  that  syllables  of  greater  importance  of  mean- 
ing are  rendered  more  emphatic  by  methods  which  are  character- 
istic of  the  languages  in  which  they  occur.  English,  in  common 
with  other  languages  of  Germanic  origin,  has  a  strong  stress 
accent.  Ancient  Greek  and  certain  modern  Slavic  languages 
have  a  variation  in  pitch.  Variations  of  stress  are  undoubtedly 
due  to  changes  in  the  pressure  exerted  by  the  lungs  upon  the 
air  column  and  are  brought  about  by  an  unusual  incitation  of 
muscles  controlling  breathing.  The  increase  of  pitch,  in  like 
manner,  is  due  to  an  extra  forcible  incitation  and  contraction 
of  certain  muscles  of  the  larynx. 

It  seems  that  in  Kato  and  other  Athapascan  dialects  there  are 
similar  grades  in  the  force  exerted  by  the  muscles  in  closing  and 
adjusting  the  mouth  passage.  It  was  formerly  held  that  these 
were  secondary  effects  of  stress  accent,  although  such  accent  is 


12  The  references  are  to  the  pages  and  lines  of  the  author's  Kato  Texts, 
Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  v.,  65-238,  1909. 


18  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

nearly  absent  at  the  present  time.  It  seems  more  reasonable  to 
look  upon  these  differences  of  enunciation  as  coordinate  with,  if 
not  independent  of,  stress  and  pitch. 

Such  differences  in  muscular  tension  of  the  walls  of  the 
mouth,  and  of  the  tongue  should  alter  the  resonance  of  the  buccal 
cavity,  and  the  quality  of  the  vowels,  render  stops  and  affricatives 
simple  spirants,  and  cause  final  consonants  to  disappear. 

The  following  diphthongs  lose  their  final  component : 
-^ai  becomes  -^a,  stem,  to  have,  position, 
-yai  becomes  -ja,  stem,  to  go. 

The  quality  of  the  vowels  changes  in  the  following : 
ta-  becomes  t%t-,  prefix,  relating  to  water, 
ka-  becomes  k^l-,  prefix,  up. 
ye-  becomes  yi-,  prefix,  in. 
-del*-  becomes  -duL,  stem,  go. 
-sil*  becomes  -sul,  stem,  to  strike, 
ko-  becomes  kwut-,  prefix,  down. 

The  sonant  1  becomes  a  surd  spirant  l: 
-dul  becomes  -duL,  stem,  of  swimming  fish, 
-kal  becomes  -kaL,  stem,  to  break. 
-qal  becomes  -qaL,  stem,  to  walk. 

Affricatives  become  spirants : 
-yats  becomes  -yas,  stem,  to  snow, 
-yitc  becomes  -yic,  stem,  to  rest, 
-gets  becomes  -guc,  stem,  to  look, 
-k'ats  becomes  -k'as,  stem,  of  long  object. 

Final  stops  disappear : 

-Lat  becomes  -La,  stem,  to  jump, 
-yot  becomes  -yo,  stem,  to  chase, 
-yeo  becomes  -ye%  stem,  to  drive  deer. 
-laG  becomes  -la%  stem,  to  do. 
-k'aG  becomes  -k'a%  stem,  to  be  fat. 

Not  only  is  the  duration  of  the  entire  syllable  lessened  in 
these  instances  in  which  a  diphthong  becomes  a  simple  vowel,  an 
affricative  a  simple  spirant,  and  a  final  stop  disappears,  but 
vowels  in  the  weaker  forms  are  shorter. 

Stress  and  pitch  seem  to  vary  but  slightly  except  that  at  the 
conclusion  of  a  sentence  or  any  part  of  it  spoken  separately  the 
voice  falls  much  as  in  English. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Koto  Language  19 


MORPHOLOGY 

NOUNS 

The  nouns  of  Kato  are  of  the  same  sort  and  fall  into  the  same 
classes  as  Hupa  nouns  already  fully  discussed,"  In  the  first 
class,  monosyllables  without  evidence  of  formative  elements, 
there  have  been  found  sixty-eight.  Of  such  Hupa  nouns  forty- 
eight  have  been  listed.^*  Of  these  Kato  nouns  sixteen  are  believed 
not  to  exist  in  Hupa  either  as  simple  words  or  elements  of  words, 
while  seven  of  the  Hupa  monosyllables  are  not  known  in  Kato. 
The  Hupa  have  descriptive  names  in  the  place  of  these  Kato 
nouns,  the  apparently  original  ones.  In  several  instances  the 
change  appears  to  be  recent.  The  ordinary  Hupa  word  for  water 
is  tanan,  what  one  drinks,  but  to  is  still  employed  in  com- 
pounds. Nouns  similar  to  these  Kato  words  are  generally  in  use 
throughout  the  territory  intervening  between  Hupa  and  Kato 
territory  and  are  to  be  considered  Athapascan  nouns  that  have 
disappeared  in  Hupa. 

SIMPLE,  MONOSYLLABIC 

The  following  nouns  seem  to  have  no  formative  elements. 
a%  cloud.    74-6.    (PI.  12,  fig.  1.) 
^1,  firewood,     137-16. 
ya',  sky.    77-13.     (PI.  12,  fig,  2.) 
ya«,  head  louse.    152-5.     (PL  12,  fig.  3.) 
yas,  snow.    74-3.     (PI.  12,  fig.  4.) 
ye,  house.    97-6.     (PI.  15,  figs.  13,  14.) 
y6%  scoter.    122-6.     (PI.  5,  fig.  9.) 
yo*,  bead.    145-7. 

wos,  leg.     79-10.     (PI.  5,  fig.  3;  pl.  12,  fig.  5.) 
l%t,  seaweed.    84-12. 
16  (166),  frost.     74-3. 
Lets,  clay.    80-1. 

L6n,  rodent,  squirrel.    96-9.     (PI.  2,  fig.  1;  pl.  20,  fig.  2.) 
L6k',  steel-head  salmon.    84-5.     (Pl.  12,  fig.  6.) 
Lut,  smoke.    141-2.     (Pl.  12,  fig.  7.) 
Le«,  night.     81-4, 

L6' ,  herb,  grass.    71-3.     (Pl.  2,  fig.  8;  pl.  12,  fig.  8.) 
main,  weasel.    74-2.     (Pl.  6,  fig.  5.) 


13  Present  series,  m,  13-29,  1905;  Bur.   Am.   Ethn.  Bull.   40,  106-110, 
1910. 

1*  Ihid.,  Ill,  13. 


20  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

ne%  land,  earth.     71-1;  74-9.     (PI.  20,  fig.  9.) 

sai,  sand.    85-9. 

se,  stone.    71-3.     (PI.  5,  fig.  1.) 

sis,  otter.     73-4. 

slus,  ground  squirrel.     73-7.     (PI.  12,  fig.  10.) 

sk'e^  mush.     110-8. 

ca,  sun.    74-9.     (PI.  12,  fig.  11.) 

cek',  spittle.     154-14.     (PI.  12,  fig.  12.) 

cic,  ochre,    80-4.     (PI.  15,  fig.  12.) 

cle«,  orioles.     72-13. 

ban,  doe,  female.    165-9,  182-2. 

beL,  rope.     101-7.     (PI.  12,  fig.  13.) 

bus,  slide.    86-11.     (PI.  12,  fig.  14.) 

but',  stomach.     110-1. 

dan,  pile.    133-10;  181-6. 

dcL,  whooping  crane  (?).     73-14. 

dj^n,  mud.     155-6. 

dje',  pitch.    137-13. 

djin,  day.    82-8. 

to,  water.    71-1.     (PI.  7,  fig.  4;  pi.  12,  fig.  15.) 

tuts,  cane.    174-7. 

ts'al,  basket  cradle.    113-12. 

ts'i%  brush.     76-7. 

ts'un,  bone.    110-1. 

tcun,  tree.    71-3. 

tc'an,  food.    85-5". 

tc'ek,  woman.    83-15. 

tc'i,  boat.    127-10. 

tc'oS  black-bird.     72-15. 

tc'un,  noise.    107-8. 

t'a%  feather.    105-14.     (PI.  7,  fig.  7.) 

t'e^,  blanket.     110-5. 

fee  (t'ece),  coal.    143-7;  147-9. 

ges,  black  salmon.    84-3.     (PI.  12,  fig.  16.) 

g^c,  yew. 

ka',  goose.     73-14. 

ka^,  a  feather  headdress.     176-17. 

kai,  winter. 

kos,  cough.     (PI.  12,  fig.  17.) 

kwe^,  track.     108-13. 

kwofiS  fire.    81-3.     (PI.  4,  fig.  5.) 

kwot,  stream,  creek.    90-15. 

kwoc,  whitethorn  (a  shrub).    166-3. 

k'a*,  arrow.    110-10. 

k'ai^,  hazelnuts.     94-5. 

k'in%  juneberry.    133-3.     (PI.  4,  fig.  8;  pi.  11,  fig.  2. 

k'un%  hazel.    133-10.     (PL  12,  fig.  20.) 

k'uc,  alder.     (PI.  12,  fig.  18.) 

k'waS  fat.    83-15.     (PL  12,  fig.  19.) 

qo,  worms.     (PL  8,  fig.  7.) 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  21 

WITH  POSSESSIVE  PREFIXES 

Nouns  capable  of  intimate  possession,  such  as  parts  of  the 
body,  and  terms  of  relationship,  seldom  or  never  occur  without  a 
possessive  prefix.    These  prefixes  are : 

a-,  reflexive. 

at'a,  her  own  blanket  fold.    181-9.     (PI.  1,  fig.  8;  pi.  13,  fig.  1.) 

e-  or  S-,  first  person  singular, 
c  djF,  my  heart.     (PI.  13,  fig.  14.) 

n-,  second  person  singular. 

nat,  your  sister.    132-4,     (PI.  13,  fig.  10.) 

no'-,  first  person  plural. 

n6'si%  our  heads.    129-10.     (PI.  5,  fig.  8.) 

no'-,  second  person  plural, 
no'si^,  your  heads.  172-15. 
n6'ng,n,  your  mother.     135-2, 

n  h-,  second  person  plural, 
nhuntc,  your  (pl.)  noses,     97-9. 

b-  or  bi-,  third  person  of  singular  or  plural  definitely  men- 
tioned or  understood  persons  or  things  (pl.  14,  fig.  3). 

buntc,  his  nose.    80-7. 

bine^,  its  (feather's)  back.    127-5. 

u-  or  6-,  third  person  singular  or  plural  of  persons,  animals,  or 
objects  (pl.  13,  figs.  2-9). 

u  na«,  her  eye.    152-10.     (Pl.  13,  fig.  5.) 
u  tca«,  her  apron,    165-8,     (Pl.  13,  fig,  3.) 

'kw-,  third  person  singular  or  plural  of  persons  or  things 
referred  to  indefinitely. 

kw  da%  his  mouth.    123-2.     (Pl.  14,  fig.  7.) 

kiic-,  third  person  plural. 

kuc  na  taG  ha^,  without  their  knowledge.     155-8. 

te'-,  third  person  of  detached,  unassociated  members, 
tc'siS  head.     128-5. 


Parts  of  the  Body 


IS 


-untc,  nose.    80-7;  98-2. 
-we  ci,  eggs.    111-9. 

15  III,  14-16. 


22  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-wo%  tooth.    181-8.     (PI.  4,  fig.  2;  pi.  14,  fig.  4.) 

-wos,  leg.    151-18.     (PI.  5,  fig.  3.) 

-la%  hand.    154-1;  164-1. 

-lai*,  penis.    80-8. 

-La,  butt.    93-10. 

-na«,  eye.    180-7.     (PI.  13,  fig.  5.) 

-ne^,  back,  back-bone.    133-3. 

-ne%  lower  leg.     (PI.  13,  fig.  12.) 

-sa  ye,  its  shell.    131-9. 

-sa  ke^,  spleen.    133-4. 

-BiS  head.     76-1.     (PI.  5,  fig.  8.) 

-81^  da%  crown  of  head.    79-4.     (PI.  14,  fig.  12.) 

-s6^,  tongue.    110-3.     (PI.  13,  fig.  4.) 

-s5  se*,  sting.    156-1. 

-sun*,  meat.    134-14. 

-sun  ta*,  forehead.    132-15. 

-suts,  skin.    110-4.     (PI.  13,  fig.  7.) 

-sle*,  anus.    143-13. 

-but',  stomach.     148-6.     (PI.  11,  fig.  5.) 

-da%  mouth.    122-13.     (PI.  14,  fig.  7.) 

-da*,  voices.    106-14. 

-da*  ga*,  beard. 

-de*,  horn.    74-10.     (PI.  13,  fig.  9.) 

-des  ke*,  lungs.    180-12. 

-di  ce*,  shoulder.    75-1. 

-dji*,  heart.    125-17.     (PI.  13.  fig.  14.) 

-djik'e*,  intestines.    113-3. 

-tele*,  liver.     180-12. 

-t'a,  tail.    86-4. 

-t'ai,  neck.     153-11. 

-ts'e  k'e,  navel.    132-10. 

-ts'in  ne,  leg.    107-12. 

-ts'o*,  milk.     (PI.  13,  fig.  6.) 

-tc'a  ni,  faeces.     142-7. 

-tci*,  tail.    163-1.     (PI.  14,  fig.  5.) 

-tci*,  mind.    101-14. 

-tci*,  heart.    101-5.     (PI.  5,  fig.  4.) 

-dji  cic  te*,  lungs.    80-2. 

-tco  djiL,  kidney.     80-2.   (PL  14,  fig.  11.) 

-tcok,  testicles.    80-9. 

-te'ge*,  ear.    110-2. 

-ga*,  hair.    143-8. 

-ge*,  marrow.    110-2. 

-ki*,  butt. 

-kwane,  shoulder,  arm.     102-15;  160-7. 

-kwan  ke,  ribs.    133-9. 

-kwe*,  foot.     96-14.     (PI.  14,  fig.  8.) 

-qot',  knee,     (PI.  13,  fig.  13.) 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  23 

Clothing 

-Lol,  strap.     97-7. 

-t'a,  pocket,  blanket  fold.    181-9.     (PI.  13,  fig.  1.) 

-t'a  ni,  skirt.    165-6.     (PI.  13,  fig.  2.) 

-tca%  apron.    165-8.     (PI,  13,  fig.  3.) 

Belatives 

-at',  sister.    132-4.     (PI.  13,  fig.  10.) 

-itc,  daughter.     128-7. 

-unt,  -undi,  cousin.     139-4;  145-2;  146-3.     (PI.  14,  figs.  1,  2.) 

-yacts,  young.     80-14;  182-4. 

-ya  tcetc,  daughter.    176-10. 

-ye^  dun,  husband.     132-14. 

-16,  dog.    101-6. 

-nq,n,  mother.     105-7. 

-ta%  father.    105-7. 

-t'e  ci^,  sister.     144-4. 

-tcel^,  younger  brother.     141-12. 

-tcai,  grandchild.    97-16;  148-11.     (PI.  14,  fig.  13.) 

-tco,  grandmother.    97-16.     (PI.  13,  fig.  15.) 

-tcun  ka  nai,  uncle.     172-3. 

-tc'gi,  grandfather.     153-10.     (PI.  13,  fig.  11.) 

-ge  dun,  brother-in-law.     153-18. 

-gun  dan,  son-in-law.    128-7. 

-ki,  boy.     102-6.     (PI.  14,  fig.  9.) 

-kik,  children.     105-2. 

NOUNS  WITH  SUFFIXES 

Nouns  as  such  never  seem  to  be  used  with  prefixes  other  than 
the  possessive  ones.  They  take,  however,  a  large  number  and 
variety  of  suffixes.  With  the  exception  of  those  first  listed,  these 
suffixes  have  very  definite  meanings  and  most  of  them  are  trace- 
able to  other  parts  of  speech.  Those  indicating  size,  shape,  and 
color  differ  from  adjectives  only  in  the  absence  of  the  usual  pre- 
fixes before  the  stem.  The  postpositions  used  with  nouns  are  not 
different  from  those  forming  phrases  with  pronouns,  but  in  a  few 
cases  the  noun  does  not  seem  to  exist  without  the  suffix.  These 
postpositions  might  easily  become  inflectional  cases  should  they 
suffer  obscuring  phonetic  changes  or  their  use  except  as  nominal 
suffixes  cease. 


24  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

Plural  and  Class  Suffixes 

-ki,  -k,  forming  the  plural  of  terms  of  relationship  and  classes 
of  people. 

tc'  yqn,  woman,    tc'  y^n  ki.  women.     110-15. 

ski,  boy.     116-16.     skik,  boys,  children.     132-8.     (PI.  14,  figs.  9,  10.) 

-tcun,  a  sufiix  indicating  one  of  a  class,  "that  kind  of  a 
person. ' ' 

tc'  yan  tcun,  old  woman.     152-3. 
s  too  tcin,  my  grandmother.     147-5. 

-ta,  the  plural  of  the  last. 

k^c  kits,  old  man.     108-2.     k^e  kits  ta,  old  men.     109-15. 

-k'ucts,  of  uncertain  meaning, 
tc'y^n  k'ucts,  old  women.    105-1. 

-ki  ya  hiin,  a  class  suffix  used  particularly  with  place  names. 
It  is  the  usual  termination  of  the  people  of  a  village  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  locality. 

to  ki  ya  hun,  water  people.     175-1. 

-gun,  of  uncertain  meaning. 

Ltsogun,  foxes,  "the  ones  that  are  blue"(?).     73-3.     (PI.  8,  fig.  3.) 

Locative  Suffixes^^'- 
-dun,  at. 

ye  dun,  house  place.     113-15. 

yi  tco  dun,  dance  house  place.     145-6. 

se  ta'  dim,  rock  creek.    107-16. 

to  n  con  dun,  water  good  place.    173-7. 

-ta' ,  among. 

yebi^ta',  houses  among.    171-17. 

ne^  k'wut  ta',  countries.     157-6. 

n  con  ta',  good  places.    173-6. 

ca'na*^ta',  creeks,  creeks  in.    82-14;  93-11. 

tcun  ta' ,  trees  among.    171-9.     (PI.  15,  fig.  6.) 

dyeta',  under  places.    180-1, 

-tc'uiif,  toward. 

t5  tc'un^,  water  toward.    176-6. 
cn%ntc'un*,  my  mother  toward.     120-11. 

-bl^,  in. 

ye  bi^,  house  in.     97-11. 

6  da^  bi^,  its  mouth  in.     128-15;  182-5. 


15a  See  also  the  postpositions  used  with  pronouns,  p.  39. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  25 

wa  te'a  nii%  hole  in,  156-12.     (PL  4,  fig,  9.) 

sakto^  bi^,  spring  in.     115-10. 

ciebi^,  red  mountain,  102-15.     (PI.  15,  fig.  12.) 

ts'^1  bi^,  basket  in.    115-10. 

kwo^  mi^,  fire  in.     110-4. 

-bl^k',  inside. 

ya'bi^k',  sky  in.     101-15,     (PI.  15,  fig.  15.) 
ye  bi^k',  house  inside.     99-5.     (PI.  15,  fig.  14.) 
to  bi^k',  water  inside.    155-4. 
o  la^  bi^k',  its  hands  in.     114-8. 

-bl«  un«,  toward,  in, 

ya'bi^un«^,  sky  in,     81-2;  99-10, 

ye'bl^un%  house  in,    110-15,     (PI,  15,  fig.  13.) 

-kVut',  on. 

otci^  k'wut',  its  tail  on.     162-14.     (PI.  9,  fig.  9;  pi.  20,  fig.  1,) 
u  si^  da  k'wut',  crown  of  its  head  on.    76-5, 
u  de^  k'wut',  its  horn  on,    76-3. 
ne^  k'wut',  land  on,    92-2, 
to  k'wut',  water  on,     82-1, 

-XL  ye,  -wi-ye,  under. 

ca  u  ye  hufi,  sun  under,    75-4. 
tcun  wi  ye,  tree  under,    97-3. 

-tuk  gut,  between, 

6  na^  tuk  gut,  its  eyes  between,     76-2, 

ye  tuk  gut,  house  middle.    142-13,     (PI,  16,  fig,  1), 

-L«ut,  middle  (time  or  place), 

ne^  L^ut,  earth  middle,     75-3;  104-11,     (PI,  16,  fig.  4,) 

cin  L^ut,  summer  middle,     121-14, 

taL^ut,  ocean  middle,  126-8.     (PI,  16,  fig,  7,) 

kai  L^ut,  winter  middle,     113-14, 

-buii  a,  before,  alongside  of, 
kwon*  mun  a,  fire  before,    119-16, 

-ne«  uii«,  other  side  of,  *  *  its  back  towards. ' ' 
to  ne^  M^,  water  other  side.    126-6.     (PI,  11,  fig.  9,) 

-uno«,  behind, 

ne*  u  no%  hill  behind.     164-16,     (PI,  4,  fig,  7,) 
tcii  no^,  tree  behind,    103-5, 

-lai«,  on  top,  *  *  summit,  point. ' ' 
ne^  lai*,  earth  top,    161-14. 
ulaik',  their  tops,    132-15, 
kto  tei*  lai*k',  his  tail  end.     177-12, 


26  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

Suffix  with  Instrumental  Meaning 
-buL,  with,  by  means  of. 

nagibuL,  quiver  with.     176-16, 
ts'al  buL,  basket  with.     148-2. 
tca^  buL,  dress  with.     166-6. 
k'a^  buL,  arrows  with.    166-7. 
k'ummuL,  withes  with.    167-1. 

Suffixes  of  Temporal-Modal  Force 

-bun,  for,  will  be  (usually  expresses  purpose  but  sometimes 
predictions  of  the  future  only), 
a' bun,  cloud  will  be,    79-2. 
a' bun,  for  clouds.    78-8. 
6  te  li*  bun,  its  liver  for.     109-6. 
sak  to^  bun,  "spring  will  be."    88-4. 

-wun,  for, 

tc'a  wun,  food  for.    123-3. 

to  wfin,  water  for.    118-4,123-3. 

-hit*,  -hut,  at  time  of. 

cinhit',  summer  time.     121-5. 

cin  hut,  summer  time,     155-1,     (PI.  16,  fig.  6.) 

djin  hut,  day  time,    105-7, 

kai  hit',  winter-time.     121-11. 

-ut,  at  (perhaps  a  form  of  the  last). 
Le^  ut,  night  in,     136-1, 

-ye,  it  is  (simple  affirmation), 
ne^  ye,  country  is.     120-14. 
c  n^n  ye,  my  mother  is.    120-11. 
do  u  sun*  yi,  it  is  not  meat.     134-14. 
do  L  guc  ye,  it  is  not  rattlesnake.    177-4. 

'-ungi,  it  is  (affirmation  with  element  of  surprise). 

ca  un  gi,  sun  it  is.    100-7. 

-te  le,  will  be. 

k'ai  t  buL  te  le,  burden  baskets  will  be,     140-12. 

Suffixes  of  Size,  Shape,  and  Color 

-tco,  large,  an  augmentative  suffix, 
Lo'tco,  bunch  grass.    94-7. 
due  tco,  grouse.    72-5. 

g^ctco,  redwood  (gac,  yew).     86-8,     (PI.  14,  fig.  14.) 
gesteo,  elk  (ges,  deer  in  other  dialects).     71-5.     (PI.  14,  fig.  15.) 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  27 

-tc,  -ts,  small,  a  diminutive  suffix  also  used  to  form  terms  of 
endearment.    Cf .  vl  tc'unts,  close  by,  from  -te'une,  by  or  near, 
ductc,  quail.    72-5.     (PI.  14,  fig.  16.) 
yictc,  wolf.     71-6.     (PI.  15,  fig.  1.) 
ctcaitc,  my  grandchild.     97-16.      (PI.  14,  fig.   13.) 
c  lots,  my  dog.    89-14. 

-yae,  young,  small. 

s  kits  yac,  baby  small.    113-12. 

With  both  diminutives. 

no  ni  yacts,  grizzly  small.     92-5, 

ca'na*  yacts,  creek  little.     115-13. 

Cf.  c  yacts,  my  little  one.     182-4. 

Cf.  se  u  yacts,  stones  small.     76-10.     (With  possessive  prefix  ii.) 

-SOS,  slender. 

de*  soctc,  spike  back.     108-8. 

-tel,  -teL,  wide,  flat. 
Lo^tel,  flat  fish  (?) 
L6'  teL,  bear  grass.     176-17. 

ts'unteL,  "bone-wide"  turtles.     90-14.     (PI.  15,  fig.  5.) 
Cf.  se  n  teLts,  stone  flat  small.     133-3.     (With  adjective  prefix.) 

NOUNS  COMPOUNDED  WITH  NOUNS^* 

The  First  Noun  qualifies  the  Second 

in  tce^  ban,  deer  female.    144-2. 

dfls  t'e  ko  ne,  madrono  berries.    134-17. 

to  a'  bun,  ' '  water  cloud, ' '  for  dew.    79-4. 

to  si^  dun,  water-head-place.    87-6. 

tobuttco,  water  panther.     177-13.     (PI.  20,  fig.  8.) 

tcunwo^,  "tree  teeth,"  hook.    158-7. 

tcflnsi*  ts,  "tree  head  small,"  pine  cones.    115-13,  117-12. 

tciinsuts,  "tree  skin,"  bark.     137-14, 

ges  na^,  salmon  eye.     121-12. 

k'a^  s'uL  tin*^,  arrow-bow.    144-9. 

With  Possessive  Prefix  for  Second  Component 

ne*  u  tci^  dun,  earth  tail  place.    86-9. 
tc' kak' bi  ne*,  net's  back-bone.     119-18. 

With  the  Second  Component  modifying  the  First. 

Lontc' genes,  "rodent-ears-long,"  a  mouse.     73-10.     (PI.  2,  fig.  1.) 
to  nai  wo*  nes,  ' '  fish-teeth-long. ' '     86-1. 


16  ni.  19. 


28  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 


NOUNS  COMPOUNDED  WITH  ADJECTIVES 

-n  tcao,  large. 

ne^  n  tcao,  country  large.     97-16. 

t5  nai  n  teaG,  fish  big.     85-11. 

w6^  ntcaS  teeth  large.    86-5.     (PI.  4,  fig,  2.) 

-neon,  good. 

to  n  CO  nit,  water  is  good  because.    87-10. 

-n  ce«,  bad. 

ne  n  ce^,  land  bad  (mud  springs).    106-2. 

-nes,  long. 

la^  nes,  "hand  long,"  raccoon.    112-5.     (PI.  1,  fig.  1.) 

L6'  nes,  grass  long.    80-3. 

tea  nes,  wasp.    150-14. 

ts'e k'e nects,  "navel  long,"  an  eel.     91-2.     (PI.  20,  fig.  7.) 

-ntelts,  broad. 

kwe^ntelts,  "foot  broad,"  a  heron.     (PI.  20,  fig.  11.) 
da^  ya^  n  tel i  tco,  "mouths  are  flat  large,"  geese.    158-14. 

-n  Luts,  stout,  rough. 

to  n  Luts,  water  rough.     86-6. 

-L  gai,  white. 

ya^  L  gai,  louse  white.     (PI.  15,  fig.  8.) 
Lon  L  gai,  woodrats.    73-9.     (PI.  20,  fig.  2.) 
naL  gi  L  gai,  white  duck.  148-3. 
seL  gai,  white  stones.    143-4. 

-Ltclk,  red: 

yo^Ltcik,  beads  red.     176-14. 
to  nai  L  tcik,  fish  red.     124-15. 

-Ltso,  blue. 

L5<Lts6,  grass  blue.    76-6.     (PI.  2,  fig.  8.) 
to  nai  L  ts5,  fish  blue.  124-15.     (PI.  20,  fig.  12.) 

-Lcune,  black. 

to  L  cun*^  kwot,  black  water  creek.     98-14. 
gesLcun^,  salmon  black.    86-2.     (PI.  15,  fig.  10.) 

-Lcik,  shining. 

na«  L  cik,  eye  shining.    181-9.    (PI.  15,  fig.  11.) 
-dulbai,  grey. 

ne^  dul  bai,  (a  pine).    86-13.    PL  20.  fig.  5.) 

Letc  ba,  grey  clay.    76-2. 

-dul  k'us,  brown  ( ? ) . 

L6'  dul  k'us,  grass  dry.    121-13. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  29 

-Ltuk(?) 

tun  L  tuk,  leaves  die(  ?).    121-13. 

-tbiii,  sharp,  pointed. 

si^  t  bin,  "heads  sharp,"  a  bulb.     149-4. 

-tc'lts,  rough. 

se  tc'its,  sandstones.    77-9.     (PI.  16,  fig.  3.) 

-Lafi,  many. 

wo^  Lan,  "teeth  many."     149-1. 

The  two  following  probably  have  descriptive  adjectives. 

ta  dul  gai  tco,  hornet.    151-2. 
ta  duL  k'uts,  milksnake.    178-9. 

NOUNS  COMPOUNDED  WITH  VERBS 

yictc  s'uL  tin  kwut,  "wolf  lies  dead  stream,"  Ten-mile  creek.  173-14. 

yo^giitLon,  "beads  woven."    176-13. 

yo^tcil  ^iii,  "bead"(?),  abalones.    84-12.     (PI.  20,  fig.  6.) 

Lo'  n^ai,  "grass  lies,"  grass  game.     146-11.     (PI.  20,  fig.  4.) 

ne^  te  li^,  earthquake.     (PI.  20,  fig.  9.) 

nun  kwos  tiii,  wild  cherries.     131-12. 

sai  s^^n  dun,  "sand  lies  place,"  sandy  beach.     125-4. 

si^bis^an,  "head(?)",  head  net.     113-8;  147-1. 

suts  buL  nuL  t'ai,  "skin  with  it  flies,"  flying  squirrel.     122-12. 

sne^  buL  gulli^,  "my  leg  with  is  tied,"  my  garter.     176-16. 

to  kali  gits,  "  water  (?)",  mud-hen.     122-9. 

tso^  kwit'in,  "milk  it  has,"  a  plant.    149-2. 

tcii  nal  dalts,  "tree-run-around,"  a  bird.     124-5. 

tcummeLyits,  "stick  tied  with,"  net  stick.    169-5. 

tcun  ta' nac  t  bats,   "tree   among(?)".      The   name   of   a   monster. 

181-10. 
tcunkwt'ijQ,  "tree  (trunk)  (?)  it  has,"  a  kelp.     84-15. 
t'^ntgulyos,  devil-fish.     Contains  stem  -yos,  to  pull.    85-13;  124-16. 
t'akwilin,  "feathers  they  have,"  birds.     88-8. 
gac  tco  k'wut  kwi  ya  gits,  ' '  redwood  on  it  runs, ' '  red  squirrels.    73-7. 
k'ai  t  buL,  ' '  hazel  ( ?) ' ',  burden-basket.     135-6. 
qot'yo  'uts,  "knee  shoots,"  blue-bird.    122-9. 

ADJECTIVES  AND  VERBS  USED  AS  NOUNS^^ 

yiLkai,  morning,  days.    82-10;  105-14. 
yist'ot,  fog.    126-2.     (PI.  18,  fig.  15.) 
Cf.  yi  gun  t'ot,  it  is  foggy.     121-10. 
yiskan,  day.     (PI.  18,  fig.  14.) 


17  in,  21.    A  number  of  the  words  here  listed  have  the  form  of  verbs, 
but  their  meaning  is  uncertain. 


30  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

Le  don*,  salt.  Stem  -don,  to  be  bitter.    85-3, 

L  taG,  black  oaks.     89-17,     (PI.  16,  fig.  12.) 

L  tcuc,  dust.    165-1. 

naltcul,  white  thorn,     91-14.     (PI.  16,  fig.  10.) 

naL  eot,  grass-snakes.    124-11.     (PI.  10,  fig.  8.) 

naL  ton^ts,  kangaroo-rats.     Stem  -ton,  to  jump.     73-10, 

na  nin  *ai*  k'wut,  "it  has  horizontal  position  on,"  dam  on.    168-9. 

nadiF,  "they  hang,"  sugar-pines.     86-17.     (PI.  1,  fig.  8;   pi.  19, 

fig.  1.) 
na  gai,  '  *  it  travels, ' '  moon.    81-4, 

na*  gi,  "it  is  carried,"  or  "it  carries,"  quiver,    147-1. 
no  le,  deeps(?).     Certain  mythical  places  in  the  ocean.     125-16. 
sak  to*,  springs.     Stem  -to,  water.     88-4, 
se  lin,  blood.     Stem  -lin,  to  flow.     144-6, 
seL  tc'5i,  herons.     72-4,     (PI.  17,  fig.  3.) 
seLkut,  magnesite  beads.     176-13. 
seL  k'ut  di,  kingfishers.     92-17. 

sdaitc,  "it  sits  small,"  cottontail  rabbit.    155-12.     (PI.  18,  fig.  13.) 
banat'ai,  "main  one  it  stands  vertical,"  post.     130-17.     (PI.  19, 

fig.  3.) 
del  kucts,  fawn,     108-9,     (PI,  19,  fig,  5,) 

dulnik,  whistles.     Boot  -ni  "to  speak,  to  make  a  noise."     165-7. 
dultcik,  yellow  pine.     Stem  -tcik,  red.     86-13. 
ta'  tsit,  low  tide.     123-15, 
te  Ian,  whale,    83-15, 
te  kus  le*,  kelp.    85-10. 
t  yits,  sea-lion.     83-11. 
t  kac  tco,  pelicans.    72-13.     (PI.  15,  fig.  3.) 
t  buL,  burden  basket.    179-11.     (PI.  19,  fig.  4.) 
tkoicts,  chestnuts.     89-8.     (PI.  15,  fig.  2.) 

t  k'an,  ridge.     Stem  -k'an,  to  be  on  edge,     99-3.     (PI.  9,  fig.  8.) 
ts'us  no*,  "they  are  vertical, "  mountains,    71-2,     (PI,  19,  fig.  6,) 
ts'k^Ldun,  he  had  walked  place,     116-13. 
te'e  naL  duL,  comb,     172-15, 
tc'e  nes,  thunder,     77-12, 
te'e  k'as,  brush  fence,     115-16, 
tc' woe,  foam,     121-16.     (PI.  19,  fig.  11.) 
tc'ga,  basket  pan.     113-10.     (PI.  19,  fig.  10.) 
tcgats'e*,  twine  (rolled  on  the  thigh).     116-10.     (PI.  19,  fig.  8.) 
gun  da  nit,  spring  was.     121-13. 
kal  dac,  "it  comes  up(?),"  morning  star.    101-13, 
kwiyan,  old  men.    Stem  -yan,  to  grow,  to  pass  through  life,     105-1. 
kwun  tuc  ka  ta,  shallow  places.     75-2. 
kwun  teL,  valley.     Stem  -teL,  to  be  wide,  or  flat.     91-14.     (PI.  19, 

fig.  12.) 
k'it  da  ye,  flowers,     78-6, 
k'us  teL,  flat  way.    Stem  -teL,  to  be  wide,  or  flat.    181-3, 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  31 


VERBS  WITH  INSTRUMENTAL  PREFIX  USED  AS   NOUNS. 

buL  suL  tci,  seed-beater.     113-11. 

buL  te  qot,  net  rope.  117-14. 

buL  gul  gus,  fire-sticks.     110-11.     (PI.  19,  fig.  2.) 

POLYSYLLABIC  NOUNS  UNANALYZED^^ 

a  dits,  grasshoppers.    94-8. 

in  tce^,  deer.    71-4. 

i  da  ki,  (a  kind  of  rope).     114-1. 

i  dakw,  Wailaki.     172-8.     (PI.  17,  fig.  1.) 

0  *est',  pestle.    113-9. 

(in  tcun,  peppernuts.    94-7. 

yai  in  tan^,  mole.     96-6.     (PI.  20,  fig.  3.) 

wa  tc'^fi,  hole  through.     78-9.     (PI.  16,  fig.  8.) 

la  ce^,  buckeyes.     94-6.     (PI.  1,  fig.  2.) 

naLgi,  dog.     91-9.     (PI.  2,  fig.  3;  pl.  16,  fig.  11.) 

nanec,  people.    71-7.     (PI.  16,  fig.  13.) 

na^  CO  k'a,  robin.     72-9.     (PI.  17,  fig.  2.) 

na  tcul,  orphan.     102-6.     (PI.  10,  fig.  5.) 

na  te'aite,  swallows.    73-1. 

na  kon,  clover.    152-5. 

nonktcufi,  tar-weeds.    94-4.     (PI.  16,  fig.  15.) 

nun  tc'ut,  strings.     117-13. 

nun  ka  dun,  men.     165-13. 

sa  tcun,  tan-oaks.     88-9. 

sul  suntc,  chipmunks.     73-8. 

sun  Lants,  a  star  or  constellation.    99-8. 

sul  gits,  lizard.    97-4. 

ca'  na%  creek.     79-3.     (PI.  4,  fig.  6;  pl.  17,  fig.  4.) 

ban  yo,  turtle-doves.     92-16. 

ban  sits,  sandpipers.    73-2. 

ban  to*,  ocean.     86-10.     (Pl.  17,  fig.  5.) 

bantco,  mussels.     84-13.     (Pl.  17,  fig.  8.) 

be  lin,  eels.    90-15.     (Pl.  17,  fig.  7.) 

bel  get,  spear  head.    133-8.     (Pl.  17,  fig.  10.) 

bel  kats,  fish-spear.    128-12.     (Pl.  17,  fig.  11.) 

be  nic,  prongs.    170-5. 

bus  buntc,  barking-owls.     92-8.     (Pl.  17,  fig.  9.) 

buste  16,  owls.     72-2.     (Pl.  17,  fig.  12.) 

butc  k'ai%  seagulls.    72-12.     (Pl.  15,  fig.  16.) 

das  tcan,  gopher.    122-6. 

da  taits,  grey  squirrels.     73-6. 

da  tcan*,  ravens.     72-2. 

da  tceL,  storage  bin.     138-2. 

do  li,  bears.     71-6. 

18  111,   16. 


32  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch. and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

dullants,  salamanders.     84-4. 

dun  dai,  arrowheads.    111-4. 

ta  ka  tee,  crawfish.    91-2. 

tele%  sack.    113-7.     (PI.  18,  fig.  1.) 

tunni,  roads.isa     78-4.     (PL  17,  fig.  13.) 

tun  nuc,  manzanita  berries.     94-5. 

tsus  na,  yellow- jackets.    91-7. 

tcaLni,  varied  robins(?).    72-4. 

tci  lil,  screech-owl.     92-8. 

tcil  le  k'e,  slime.    161-12. 

tcin  nun^,  stuffed  deer  heads.     177-10. 

tci  tcan,  white  oak.     131-11. 

tco  bijG,  poison.    163-7.     (PI.  18,  fig.  6.) 

tcun  nuL  tcuntc,  Lewis's  woodpecker.     72-8.     (PI.  19,  fig.  13.) 

tcuntc'baG,  woodpeckers.     72-11.     (PI.  18,  4.) 

tcun  tc'  gi  tc5,  pileated  woodpecker.     72-8. 

tc'a  la,  sunflower  seed.    138-6.     (PI.  18,  fig.  2.) 

tc'a  h^l,  frog.    112-11.     (PI.  18,  fig.  3.) 

tc'ibetcin,  fir.     86-8. 

tc'6  la  ki,  meadow-larks.     72-10. 

tc'un  t  yac,  condors.     72-7. 

te'un  fan,  acorns.    88-15. 

tc'us  sai^,  chicken-hawks.    72-3. 

tc'usts,  mill-basket.     113-9. 

tc'u  be,  firs.    90-1. 

te'  la  ki,  sapsuckers.    73-11. 

tc'  le  lintc,  humming-bird.     102-12. 

tc'  naL  dun,  adolescent  girl.    175-10.     (PI.  19,  fig.  7.) 

tc'  si  tcun,  coyote.     72-1.     (PI.  18,  fig.  9.) 

tc'kak',  net.     84-8.     (PI.  18,  fig.  5.) 

t'eki,  girls.    111-2.     (PI.  17,  fig.  15.) 

goyani%  stars.     74-7.     (PI.  18,  fig.  7.) 

k^ckits,  old  man.     108-2.     (PI.  18,  fig.  8.) 

ke  bul,  knife.     78-11. 

ki  tsa^,  basket-pot.    113-8. 

kwi  yint,  pigeon.    73-12.     (PI.  18,  fig.  10.) 

k'illek,  boy.    119-7. 

k'iin  ta  gits,  jack-rabbits.    73-6.     (PI.  18,  fig.  11.) 


PEONOUNS^s^ 

PERSONAL 

The  personal  pronouns  seem  originally  to  have  been  confined 
to  the  first  and  second  persons,  although  it  is  not  easy  to  explain 


18a  Cf .  Hupa  tin,  road,  in,  p.  13. 
18b  HI,  29. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  33 

all  the  third  persons  as  demonstratives.  There  is  a  simple  form, 
nominative  or  accusative;  and  an  emphatic  possessive,  a  dative, 
and  an  ablative  of  accompaniment,  apparently  formed  by  suffixes. 

First  Person  Singular 

ci,  I.     78-14.     (PI.  39,  fig.  9;  pi.  42,  fig.  1.) 
ci  ye«,  mine.    141-6.     (PI.  22,  fig.  2.) 
ca,  for  me.     103-9.     (PI.  22,  fig.  1.) 
cuL,  with  me.    137-2. 

First  Person  Plural 

ne  hin,  we.     (PI.  5,  fig.  8.) 

n  hi  ye*,  ours. 

nhuL,  with  us.     125-2. 

Second  Person  Singular 

nifi,  you.     79-7. 
niye*,  yours.     117-1. 
na,  for  you.    152-6. 
nuL,  with  you.  131-6. 

Second  Person  Plural  ' 

no  hin,  you.    114-11.     (PI.  28,  fig.  13;  pi.  31,  fig.  11.) 
n5  hi  ye*,  yours. 

Third  Person 

biye*,  their,  hers.     85-4;  88-5. 
ba,  for  it.    113-12;  149-12. 
buL,  with  it.     85-5. 

kin,  himself.     88-7. 
kin  yi,  himself.     149-13. 
kin  ha*,  him  (only).     130-3. 
kiye*,  his.     91-9. 
kwa*,  for  him.     110-9. 
kwuL,  with  him.    91-9. 

PERSONAL  DEMONSTRATIVES^® 

hun,  he,  him.isa     174-1;  123-16. 
huL,  with  him.    94-13. 
yon,  that  fellow.    167-9, 


18  m,  31-33. 

19a  It  appears  that  a  suffix  n  renders  a  demonstrative  personal  in  its 
application.    This  also  appears  in  Hupa  adjective  pronouns  and  numerals. 


34  University  of  California  Puhlications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.   [Vol.  11 


DEMONSTRATIVES 

hi,  the  (practically  an  article).    99-6. 

hai  ye,  that.    128-12. 

ha  yi,  those,  that  one.    171-19.     (PI.  21,  fig.  15;  pi.  45,  fig.  1.) 

Cf.  the  personal  demonstratives  hun  and  huL  above. 

di,  this.    74-9.     (PI.  24,  fig.  15.) 

yi,  right  here.     (PI.  21,  fig.  6.) 

yiban,  the  other  side.  133-4.     (PI.  21,  fig.  8.) 

The  more  remote  has  the  vowel  6  or  u  with  the  same  initial. 
yu  i,  over  there.     100-4. 
yo  i,  yonder.    100-7. 
yo  ye,  there  it  is.    182-3. 
yo  on,  over  there.    127-14.     (PI.  21,  fig.  7.) 
yo  on  ha^,  yonder.    75-3. 
yoyideS  far  north.    77-1.     (PI.  21,  fig.  5.) 
yok',  way.     104-9. 
Cf.  yon,  that  fellow.     167-9. 

INTERROGATIVE  AND  INDEFINITE  PRONOUNS-** 

These  words  are  usually  interrelated  in  form.  There  are  four 
initial  syllables :  da-,  relating  to  conditions ;  dan-,  used  of  persons ; 
dl-,  employed  with  things  and  non-human  persons;  ta-,  which  is 
used  of  both  time  and  place.  With  each  of  these  there  are  found 
three  suffixes:  -dji  (-gl),  the  simple  interrogative,  asking  which 
one  of  several;  -ca,  -can  (-ca-  plus  n)  with  an  implication  of 
wonder  in  the  question;  and  co«,  used  in  affirmations  concerning 
anything  unusual  or  mysterious. 

da  t  ya  tci,  why.     129-10. 

dan  dji,  who.    120-15. 

di  dji,  what.     97-14. 

ta  dji,  when,  102-12. 

ta  dji,  where.     182-3.     PI.  10,  fig.  7;  pi.  22,  fig.  7.) 
10,  fig.  7;  pi.  22,  fig.  7.) 

da  t  ya  c%n,  what  is  the  matter.     114-7. 
d^n  can  ha^,  who.     144-4. 
dic^n,  what.     79-2. 
ta  c^n,  where.     78-7. 

da  t  ya  c6  kwuc,  something  is  wrong,     114-13. 

dan  CO  kwiic,  stranger.     119-8. 

di  c5^,  something.     99-15. 

ta  c5  kwuc,  somewhere  I  guess.     119-1. 

t^c  c6^,  sometime.     135-13. 

20  III,  32. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  35 

The  following  are  also  of  interest : 

da  t'in  c6,  very  bad.     122-12. 

da  ti  ca  nun,  what  will  be.    85-6. 

dac  t  ya  eo  de^,  if  anything  is  wrong.     166-10. 

d^ctindji,  why  does  it  do  that?    130-14. 

d^nteeo^,  something.      167-3. 

dq,ntecamun,  how  will  it  be?    78-13. 

d^n  te  CO  kwuc  cut,  something  wrong  I  guess  because.     115-4. 

d^n  te  gi,  how.     139-11. 

da  ya«  t'iii  ge,  what  did  they  do?     166-4. 

da  ya^n  dji,  what  they  say.    153-14. 

d^n  L^n  gi,  how  many.     166-12. 

dan  ca  un,  who  is  it?    170-12. 

danican,  who  is  he?    97-4. 

da  hin  tci,  what  you  say.    176-10. 

di  kwon  di,  what  kind.     80-4. 

do  n  ke  hit',  nothing  too  bad.     128-1. 

do  dan  c6^,  nobody.     99-4. 

t'a  din  co*^  kwuc,  for  some  reason.    136-8. 

ADJECTIVES'^^ 

Qualifying  adjectives  are  conjugated  after  the  manner  of 
verbs.  The  stems  of  such  adjectives  are  listed  with  the  verbal 
stems.  Many  adjectives  are  listed  under  nouns  with  which  they 
form  compounds. 

PRONOMINAL  ADJECTIVES 

In  addition  to  the  strictly  pronominal  adjectives  such  as  La«, 
another,  certain  similar  ones  which  are  not  conjugated  are 
included. 

0  wiifl,  some.    122-14. 

wan  t'a^,  some.    91-10. 

wun,  some.    95-6. 

La^,  another,  other.     76-3;  79-5. 

La  mun,  will  be  many.    78-6. 

La  ne,  much.     120-15. 

Lanhit,  much.     137-7. 

Lan  dun,  many.    138-8. 

L^ntele,  will  be  many.    173-7. 

Le  ne^  ha%  people.    83-4.     (PI.  21,  fig.  10;  pi.  37,  fig.  13.) 

L  ta,  every  way.    129-4. 

Lta'ki,  kind.     83-1.     (PI.  21,  fig.  11.) 

21  ni,  33. 


36  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

soste,  slender.     123-16. 

swoltc,  small.    116-9. 

han  d^t  ta*^,  last  ones.     90-17. 

tco  yi,  another.    118-2. 

tco  yi  ha*^,  again.    80-2. 

tco  yi  ta' ,  other  places.    149-9. 

tV,  raw.     109-11.     (PI.  11,  fig.  4.) 

kwun  L^n,  every.    82-9. 

kwun  L^n,  many.     114-12. 

kwun  L^n  ha^,  every  one.    130-7. 

NUMERALS22 

The  Athapascan  numerals  are  generally  decimal  in  their  ar- 
rangement. Kato  follow  a  quinary  system  as  far  as  ten.  This 
undoubtedly  is  connected  with  the  practice  of  counting  the 
fingers,  six  being  ' '  one  on  the  other  side. ' '  The  Yuki  and  Porno 
neighbors  of  the  Kato  make  use  of  octonary  and  quinary  systems, 
respectively.  Four  ng^k  ka«  ngk  ka«,  two-two,  has  displaced 
dinkut  which  prevails  in  the  other  Athapascan  dialects  nearby. 

CARDINALS 
La  ha^,  one.    82-5. 
n^kka*,  two.  178-4. 
tak',  three.    178-5.     (PI.  20,  fig.  10.) 
n^k  ka*^  n^k  ka^,  four.    108-3. 
la*^  sa  ni,  five.    165-17. 
yi  ban  La*  ha*,  six  only.     140-9. 
yibann%kka%  seven.    166-1.     (PI.  20,  fig.  13.) 
yi  ban  tak',  eight.    103-9. 
yi  ban  n^k  ka  n%k  ka,  nine, 
la*  L  ba*  un,  ten.    102-14. 
la*  L  ba*  un  biL  La  ha*,  ten  with  one. 
na  dun  la*  L  ba*  un,  twenty.     178-8. 
ta  dun,  thirty. 

MULTIPLICATIVES 
tak' dM,  three  times.     165-11. 

DISTRIBUTIVES 

La  ha*  ta,  one  at  a  time.    165-15. 
njjkka*taha,  two  in  a  place.     108-2. 
tak'  ta,  three  at  a  time.    165-16. 

22  III,   32. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  37 


DIRECTIONAL  WORDS^^ 

These  directional  words  are  closely  connected  with  nouns  in 
their  meaning,  the  second  syllable  usually  being  a  monosyllabic 
name  of  some  direction  or  cardinal  point.  They  differ  from 
nouns  in  requiring  a  demonstrative  prefix  and  in  their  use,  which 
is  usually  adverbial. 

-nuk',  to  the  south,  perhaps  "up-stream"  was  its  original 
meaning. 

y5  yi  nuk',  way  south.     75-9.     (PI.  20,  fig.  14.) 

hinuk',  south.     139-13. 

hai  nuk',  here  south.     150-14. 

hainuk'k'a^,  way  south,  south  along.     86-15;  107-16. 

di  nuk',  south.     75-6.     (PI.  20,  fig.  15.) 

-na  un,  from  the  south. 

yi  na  un,  from  the  south.    107-9. 
hai  na  tm,  from  south.     148-9. 

-se«,  to  the  west,  down  hill. 
y5  yi  se*,  far  west.     126-6. 
haise^,  down  hill.     106-3. 
dise^,  west,  down  here.     77-11;  142-8. 

-sin  un,  from  the  west. 

hai  sin  un,  from  the  west.    78-10. 
di  sin  un,  in  the  west.    80-11. 

-de*,  to  the  north,  perhaps  originally  **  down-stream. " 

yo  yi  de*,  far  north.     77-1. 
hide^,  north.     77-1. 
hai  de*  tc'M^,  north  toward.     115-7. 
di  de%  north.    76-12. 

-da«  uii,  from  the  north. 

yi  da^  un,  from  the  north.    75-3. 
hai  da^  un,  from  the  north.     78-8. 
di  da^  un,  from  the  north.    74-10. 

-duk,  to  the  east,  uphill. 
yi  duk',  up  hill.     180-3. 
yok  wi  t'ukw,  far  above.     77-3. 
hai  duk',  up.    99-2. 
di  duk',  east.    75-4. 


23  m,  328-330. 


38  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-da  iin,  from  the  east,  down  hill, 
hai  da  M,  down  hill.    180-5. 
di  da  un,  from  the  east.    101-9. 

-ban,  the  opposite  side,  particularly  of  streams, 
yiban,  other  side.    133-4.     (PI.  21,  fig.  8.) 
hai  ban,  after  that.     111-4. 
diban,  to  other  side.     105-1. 
Cf.  Lba^  un,  both  sides.     144-10.     (PI.  21,  fig.  9.) 

ADVERBS^* 

Adverbs  are  mostly  either  monosyllables  having  adverbial 
meaning,  like  k'uii,  recently,  or  such  elements  with  demonstrative 
and  negative  prefixes. 

PLACE 

i  nifi,  in  a  corner.     132-12. 

yok  wi  t'ukw,  far  above.     77-3. 

yo  k'un,  way  off.     107-5. 

ne  se  k'a,  the  long  way.     140-17. 

nes  se,  is  far.    167-2. 

nes  dun,  far.     75-6. 

nes  dun  e,  it  is  far.    140-17. 

nes  dun  ha*,  far  away,     86-14. 

nunkwiye,  underground.     75-8.     (PI.  21,  fig.  12.) 

hakw,  right  here.     160-1. 

ha  kwq,n,  up  there.     182-9. 

da%  up.    99-15. 

de  k'a,  here.    79-2. 

di  un,  up  there.    109-10. 

djan  ha*,  here.     97-9. 

t  ga  ma,  along  shore.     77-1. 

t  ga  mats,  by  the  shore.    155-1. 

kun  dun  ne,  close.     104-13. 

kunduntc,  nearby.     79-6.     (PI.  22,  fig.  12.) 

kwun  nun  un,  up  this  way,    85-8. 

TIME 

han  dut,  next  time.     136-4. 

ha  Gi,  long  time.     134-3. 

haae*  dun*,  long  time.     106-17. 

ha  Ge  kwuc,  long  time  probably.     139-1. 

hakw  dun*,  then.     71-2.     (PI.  5,  fig.  7.) 

ho  ta,  then.    84-10. 

24  III,  328-338. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  39 

dan*,  already,  long  ago.     78-14;  121-13. 

da  sits,  soon.     136-5.     (PI.  22,  fig.  6.) 

do  k'ufi,  already,  not  recently.     136-7;  175-1. 

do  k'un  ha*,  long  ago.    155-15. 

t'un  dun  ha*,  all  the  time.    113-1. 

gun  t'e,  now.     81-2. 

kac  bi*,  tomorrow.     104-9.     (PI.  22,  fig.  10.) 

kw  t  nun,  next  time.    166-9. 

k'un,  just  now.     103-8. 

k'un  nun,  before.    97-14. 

k'un  dit',  before.     137-5.     (PI.  22,  fig.  11.) 

k'un  dun,  yesterday.     128-7.     (PI.  22,  fig.  13.) 

k'ancqn,  this  time.     167-8. 

k'^tde*,  soon.     96-4.     (PI.  22,  fig.  14.) 

MANNER  AND  DEGREE 

La  kwa,  just,  only.     155-9;  164-11. 

La  kit,  for  nothing.       166-9. 

La  kwit,  anyway.     133-14. 

nikts  (niikts),  slowly.     100-13;  140-16.     (PI.  21,  fig.  13.) 

sa'dun,  alone.     120-16. 

sa'dunha*,  alone.     87-7. 

sa' dun  k 'wa,  alone.     172-3. 

sut',  little  way.     161-5. 

st'o*,  nearly.     123-8. 

c^n,  only.     78-6. 

ca  ni,  only.    71-2. 

CO,  too  much.     82-10. 

CO*,  in  vain.     130-9. 

CO  n  con,  very  well.    109-4. 

con  k§,  well.     166-5. 

c5nk',  well.    71-1.     (PI.  22,  fig.  3.) 

con  kwa,  well.     181-13. 

c6*t,  in  vain.     159-12. 

kakw,  fast.    93-12. 


POSTPOSITIONS^^ 

The  following  elements  when  suffixed  to  nouns  or  pronouns 
make  prepositional  phrases.^'* 

-ye,  under. 

oyeS  under.     101-6.     (PI.  21,  fig.  2.) 
oyeta',  under  places.     180-1. 


25  m,  339-343. 

2Ba  Cf .  also  the  Locative  Suffixes  of  Nouns,  p.  24. 


40  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-wakw,  to  one  side  of. 

wakw,  to  one  side.    97-4.     (PI.  11,  fig.  1.) 
no'waka,  about  yourselves.    173-2. 
no  wakw,  away  from  us.     173-5.    . 

-lai^  top,  end,  on  top  of. 

ulai^itstop.     103-13.     (PI.  21,  fig.  3.) 

-L,  with. 

buL,  with  it.     85-5. 
kuL,  with  him.     91-9. 

-na,  around,  encircling, 
0  na,  around  it.    77-2. 

-na  taG  ha«,  without  the  knowledge  of. 

kwnataGha^,  without  his  knowledge.     (PI.  8,  fig.  9.) 
u  na  taG  ha^,  not  knowing.     156-9. 
no  na  tao  ha^,  without  our  knowledge.     129-15. 
kucnataoha^,  without  their  knowledge.     155-8. 

-nitc,  midway  of. 

o  nitc,  half-way.     122-15. 
6  ni  tcut,  its  middle.     162-14. 

-no«,  behind. 

u  no^,  behind  it.    103-2. 

-ne  dun,  base  of. 

kin  ne  dun,  its  base.     182-10. 

-bie,  in.     (The  element  may  be  -I^  b  being  the  pronoun.) 
biS  in  it.    97-13.    (PI.  6,  fig.  7.) 
di  bi^,  this  in,    90-16. 

-daie,  outside  of. 

6  dais  outside.     98-4.     (PI.  21,  fig.  4.) 

-duk',  up,  on  top. 

kw  duk',  top.    127-9. 

-ta',  among. 

bi  ta' ,  among.    107-14. 
di  ta' ,  this  place.    157-5. 

-tus,  over,  beyond. 
6  tus,  beyond  it.    77-12. 
kw  tus,  over  him.    156-14. 

-tuk  gut,  between 

6  tuk  gut,  between.     160-9. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  41 

-tc'une,  to,  toward. 

a  tc'un^,  to  himself.     87-7. 

6  tc'un%  to  him.     79-9.     (PI.  3,  fig.  4.) 

u  tc'unts,  close  by.    156-10. 

no  tc'un^,  to  you.     97-7. 

L  te'un^,  together,  toward  each  other.     104-1. 

kw  ts'un^,  to  him.     174-2. 

-tc'uii  a,  before,  in  front  of. 
utc'una,  before  it.     153-3;  77-7. 

-t'ukw;,  above,  beyond. 

ot'ukw,  above,  way  back.     77-3;  104-11. 

-t  gun,  around,  behind.^^ 

a  te  giifi,  around  yourselves.    169-4. 

-kwa«,  for. 

kw  kwa^,  for  him.     119-1. 
nokwa,  for  us.     181-7. 

-kec,  behind. 

ske«,  after  me.     97-10. 
ske^  ha*,  behind  me.     141-8. 

-k'e,  back,  in  the  opposite  direction, 
atk'e,  back  of  himself.     86-17. 

-k'wut',  on  (perhaps  combined  with  a  demonstrative), 
k'wut',  on  it.    75-6. 

PARTICLES  AND  INTERJECTIONS" 

%L  te,  come  on,  well.     98-6;  125-7. 

abi,  stop.     100-1. 

e  he,  that  is  so.    173-14.     (PL  21,  fig.  1.) 

ii  we,  O  yes.     100-10. 

un,  it  was.     182-9. 

L^fin,  so  it  is.     100-3. 

na  «a*,  here.    97-13. 

nil,  say.    164-9. 

ni  ic,  say.    100-3. 

no  do*,  no'  do,  go  ahead,  come.     103-7;  115-7. 

he  u*,  yes.    82-2.     (PI.  21,  fig.  14;  pi.  33,  fig.  9.) 

do,  no,  not.     79-4;  100-10.     (PI.  7,  fig.  1;  pi.  22,  fig.  8.) 

te  he  he  i,  (laughing).     147-5. 

tea*,  listen.     182-15. 

ka*,  well.    76-12. 


26  Cf.  prefix  t  gun  in  t  gun  nas  t  gets,  he  looked  back.     132-2. 

27  m,  343. 


42  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

VERBS 

In  Kato,  as  in  other  Athapascan  dialects,  the  verbs  are  usually 
complete  in  their  meaning  and  are  really  sentences.  The 
adverbial  concepts  of  place  and  direction  are  expressed  by  pre- 
fixes standing  first  in  order.  The  object  and  subject  pronouns 
precede  the  verbal  stem  in  the  order  named.  The  relation  of  time 
in  regard  to  inception,  duration,  repetition,  completion,  etc.,  is 
also  expressed  by  prefixes,  all  of  which  precede  the  subject. 
Standing  between  the  subject  and  the  stem  are  modal  prefixes 
which  control  to  some  extent  the  voices  of  the  verb. 

The  stems  themselves  often  vary  in  the  quality  of  the  vowel 
and  in  the  final  consonants  in  a  manner  analogous  to  accent. 
These  varying  forms  occur  in  different  tenses.  Many  of  the 
stems  indicate  the  character  and  shape  as  well  as  the  number  of 
the  object  or  subject.  Some  stems  are  identical  with  mono- 
syllabic nouns.  The  act  itself  in  these  instances  seems  not  to  be 
named,  but  is  understood  or  inheres  in  the  entire  verb  without 
an  especial  element  for  its  expression. 

The  sufiixes  for  the  most  part  are  subordinating,  expressing 
the  time  relations,  conditions,  and  the  source  of  information. 
Not  only  is  the  material  (prefixes,  stems,  and  suffixes)  from 
which  the  verbs  are  made  identical,  except  for  regular  phonetic 
changes,  with  that  employed  in  Hupa,  but  many  of  the  complete 
verbs  are  similar. 

PREFIXES 

First  Position 
a-.  Certain  verbs  of  a  sort  usually  requiring  a  double  object 
have  this  prefix  when  the  direct  object  does  not  immediately 
precede.  These  verbs  express  the  doing,  saying,  and  thinking  of 
special  things. ^^  This  prefix  forms  an  independent  syllable 
except  when  followed  by  c,  the  first  person  singular. 

a  ya  ci  lae,  took  me  up.     158-14. 

a  ne,  she  said.     152-8. 

a  no'  t'e,  you  are.     139-1. 

a  doc  yi,  I  boast.    128-1. 

a  kwuc  la  Ge,  I  fixed  him.     182-14. 

act'eye,  I  am.     (PI.  40,  fig.  7.) 

28  III,   90. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  43 

Adverbial 
ya«-.  Used  of  motion  or  position  upward  or  into  the  air.^®* 
The  duration  is  .12  seconds.  There  is  syllabic  union  with  the 
third  modal  prefixes  l  and  n,  perhaps  also  with  c,  first  person 
singular.  A  form  yai-  appears  the  probable  result  of  accentua- 
tion. 

ya  ^ac,  he  put  up.     99-10. 

yaL  dacbun,  you  must  jump  up.    82-16. 

yafi  *ai^,  it  stood.     156-15. 

ya  kwoL  t'a,  make  him  fly.     182-16. 

ya«  guL  gal,  he  threw  up.     142-3.     (PI.  23,  fig.  1.) 

no  guL  g%L,  he  threw  down.     92-5. 

ye'-,  yl'-.  Used  of  motion  into  a  house  or  other  partly 
enclosed  space. ^^  The  form  yi'-  appears  to  be  the  result  of 
accent.  Duration  of  ye'  is  .25,  of  yl  .18.  Syllabic  union  with 
following  sounds  seems  never  to  take  place. 

yenatya,  he  went  in.     177-13. 

ye  hen  yac,  come  in.     141-9. 

ye  tc' gun  yai,  she  went  in.     132-13.     (PI.  10,  fig.  9;  pi.  23,  fig.  2.) 

yiheduL,  you  go  in.     97-10;  153-2. 

ye  gi  nai^,  they  went  in.     107-17. 

tc'eninai,  came  out.    164-9. 

wai-  or  wa.  Used  of  position  over,  at  one  side  of,  or  near.^° 
Duration  .12. 

wa  in  yai,  he  went  around.     97-3. 

wai  tc' gun  get,  he  struck  over.     164-2. 

wa^  uii  k^n,  he  placed  before  him.     129-4.     (PI.  23,  fig.  3.) 

wa-.     Used  of  motion  through  an  opening  or  small  space.^* 
The  duration  of  the  syllable  is  about  .27  seconds, 
wa  un  ni5,  she  carried  through.     180-2. 
wa  nun  tci  bun,  shall  be  wind.     80-14.     (PI.  23,  fig.  4.) 

Le-.  Used  of  the  position  near  or  movement  toward  each 
other  of  two  or  more  objects.^^  The  duration  of  the  vowel  is 
about  .15. 

Lei  yits,  he  tied  together.     174-15.     (PI.  43,  fig.  11.) 

Le  ges  «a^,  encircled.    82-15.     (PI.  23,  fig.  5.) 

Len  «a^,  (water)  met.     83-6. 

28a  III,  39. 

29  in,  41. 

30  Compare  the  Hupa  second  wa-,  m,  44. 

31  ni,  44. 

32  m,  44. 


44  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

Lun-.  Used  with  verbs  meaning  to  assemble.  It  is  perhaps 
related  to  the  last.^^ 

Luntesyahut,  they  came  together  when.     148-9.     (PI.  29,  fig.  4.) 

na-.  Used  of  indefinite  movements  over  the  surface  of  land  or 
water.^*  The  ordinary  duration  for  the  vowel  is  .13,  but  na  ca 
and  na  ga  have  .19-.25.  There  seems  to  be  contraction  with  o' , 
the  second  person  plural  prefix,  and  syllabic  union  with  s,  second 
modal. 

na  ca%  I  will  go  about.    133-6.     (PI.  23,  fig.  7;  pi.  35,  fig.  10.) 

nagakw^n,  he  had  walked.     154-12.     (PI.  42,  fig.  6.) 

na'  be,  swim  (dual  imp.)     111-2.     (PI.  36,  fig.  9.) 

na'  ke^,  swim  (plural  imp.).    172-14.     (PI.  45,  fig.  2.) 

nawo'  nie,  you  played  about.    134-17.     (PI.  8,  fig.  5.) 

nas  ^uts,  he  ran  about.    134-3.     (PI.  29,  fig.  1.) 

nas  Lut,  he  burned  around.    79-3, 

nai-,  na-.  Used  of  horizontal  position  or  motion  as  across  a 
stream.^^    The  duration  of  nai-  is  .31,  of  na-  .16. 

nai  ^ai  bun,  it  will  be  across,  it  will  have  waves.     85-8.     (PI.  23, 

fig.  8.) 
na  nic  ge*,  I  will  carry  you  across.     141-4, 
nanun  «ai,  fish-weir,  "it  is  across."    133-9.    (PI,  28,  fig.  3.) 
na  nun  Lat,  jump  across.     (PI.  34,  fig.  3.) 
na  nun  yai,  she  started  across.     154-2. 

nai  d-,  nai  t-,  na  d-,  or  na  t-.  Used  of  position  or  motion  at 
right  angles  to  a  horizontal  line  or  surface.^"  The  second 
syllable  begins  with  d  if  a  vowel  follows,  with  t'  if  the  following 
vowel  is  preceded  by  a  glottal  stop,  and  consists  of  t  if  followed 
by  a  consonant.  The  duration  of  the  vowel  is  about  .17,  varying 
from  .16  to  .19. 

nai  t  guL  *a*,  he  stood  up  a  stick.    116-6. 

na  doL  ^a^  bun,  let  it  stand  on  end.     108-3, 

na  t  guL  ^a«,  he  stood  it  up.    76-6.     (PI.  28,  fig.  2.) 

na  t  guL  ^^L,  he  stood  them  up  along.    88-13.     (PI.  26,  fig.  8.) 

na  t'a^  bun  dja*,  will  stand  up.    91-17. 

na  na-.  Denoting  a  movement  downward,^^  The  duration  of 
the  vowel  in  the  first  syllable  is  about  normal  (.16),  that  of  the 


33  Compare  Hupa  Linyate,  they  come  together,     i,  295-1. 

34  m,  48. 

35  III,   49. 

36  m,  51. 

37  III,  51. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  45 

second  syllable  shorter,  about  .12,  and  probably  followed  by  a 
glottal  catch. 

na  na  iL  duL,  he  moved  it  up  and  down.     150-1. 

na  na  gul  lin,  it  runs  down.     121-14. 

na  na  gul  dac,  he  jumped  down.     146-3. 

na  na  gun  giii,  he  took  them  down.     145-17. 

nana  gut yai,  he  came  down.    129-11. 

na  nun  dac,  come  down.     (PL  23,  fig.  6.) 

no-.  Used  of  being  in  or  coming  to  a  position  of  rest  on  the 
ground,  and  also  of  reaching  other  limits  of  motion.^^  The 
average  duration  of  the  vowel  is  .16,  varying  from  .14  to  .19. 
When  followed  by  c,  first  person  singular,  n,  second  modal  in 
first  person  plural,  or  one  of  the  third  modals,  it  is  joined  with 
them  in  one  syllable. 

no'^ae,  put  it  (imp.  plu.).     110-11.     (PI.  28,  fig.  7.) 

nonanqt,  he  untied  half  way.     122-15.     (PI.  44,  fig.  6.) 

no  na  ni  kats,  I  fell  back.     182-16.     (PI.  44,  fig.  11.) 

nonunyin,  they  lived.     160-12.     (PI.  29,  fig.  12.) 

nocuLgaL,  throw  me.    133-4.     (PI.  25,  fig.  1.) 

no  ga  ^ac,  he  put  down.    86-11.     (PI.  23,  fig.  11.) 

notc'unto^,  water  reached  (a  certain  point).     75-1.     (PI.  7,  fig.  6.) 

noc  ge*,  I  carried.     182-1. 

non  da  *an,  we  put  down.     172-2. 

nol  k'j|s,  they  fell.    152-2. 

noL  tin,  he  laid  him  down.    80-6. 

no*  n  *an,  he  placed.    76-3. 

nun-.  Seems  to  be  used  of  pressure  or  impact  against  a  sur- 
face. The  vowel  is  short  as  is  usual  in  closed  syllables;  from 
.06  to  .1. 

nunicgaL,  let  me  chop.     (PI.  42,  fig.  7.) 

nun  un  duk  k'e*,  get  up.    100-3.     (PI.  44,  fig.  8.) 

nun  yiL  t'o  gut,  she  stung  when.     156-15.     (PI.  26,  fig.  3.) 

nunyiLtsuL,  (ocean)  beats  against  it,     86-12.     (PI.  41,  fig.  2.) 

nunneLk'ai,  he  made  stick  in.    156-14.     (PI.  45,  fig.  9.) 

nun  suL  gal,  you  beat.    129-10.     (PI.  42,  fig,  8.) 

nun  s'us  duk  k'e«,  he  got  up.     98-5.     (PI.  23,  fig.  10.) 

nun  s'us  tin,  she  took  him  up.     179-14.     (PI.  39,  fig.  7.) 

be-.  Used  of  motion  along  a  vertical  or  steep  surface,  as  a 
tree  or  hillside.^®  The  duration  of  the  vowel  is  .2.  It  unites 
with  weak  prefixes  when  they  directly  follow. 


38  m,  53. 

38  Compare  me-    in,  46. 


46  University  of  California  Publications  i?i  Am.  Arch. and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

bes  ya  hut,  he  climbed  up  when.     143-9. 

bes  gin,  he  carried  it  up.     98-16. 

beco'los,  lead  me  up  (imp.  plu.).     147-6.     (PI.  6,  fig.  1.) 

beduL,  let  us  climb.     (PI.  23,  fig.  13. 

da  bes  ya%  he  climbed  up.    180-6.    (PI.  6,  fig.  4.) 

ben  t'a  tele,  you  will  fly  up.     182-11. 

bee  na^,  I  roast  it  (I  lean  it  against[?]).     168-16. 

This  prefix  seems  to  be  used  also  in  a  figurative  sense,  at 
least  in  one  less  definite  in  its  meaning. 
beLke%  it  is  finished.     172-12, 
be  niL  ke*  e,  I  have  finished.     78-14. 
be  dul  ^ai«,  let  us  try  it.    109-6. 
be  gun  t'eG,  he  taught.     122-11. 

bes  ya  hut,  he  climbed  up  when.     143-9. 
tes  ya  hut,  he  went  because.    118-3. 

da-.    Relating  to  a  position  higher  than  the  ground.*"    The 
vowel  with  considerable  aspiration  is  about  .18  in  duration, 
da  un  die  ge*,  I  take  you  up.    141-4.     (PI,  7,  fig.  3.) 
da  no  la,  she  put  it  up.    181-5. 
da  bes  ya^,  he  climbed  on.    180-6.    (PI.  6,  fig.  4;  pi,  23,  fig,  14,) 

da  n5  la,  she  put  it  up.     181-5, 
n5  la,  he  put  it.    79-13. 

ded-,  (t-).  Used  of  motion  into  or  position  in  a  fire.*^  The 
duration  of  the  vowel  is  about  .2. 

de  die  tjjn,  I  will  put  in  fire.     110-3.     (PI.  39,  fig.  2.) 

dedufi  ^^cbun,  you  may  put  in  fire.     127-12.     (PI.  23,  fig.  15.) 

de  t  gun  ^an,  he  put  in  fire.     157-13.     (PI.  7,  fig.  2.) 
ye  tc'  gun  ^^n  kw%n,  he  had  put  in.  115-14. 

dje«-.    Used  of  the  splitting  or  separating  a  mass  into  two, 
perhaps  more  parts.*^    The  duration  is  .12, 
dje^  guL  taP,  he  kicked  open,    81-15. 
dje^  gul  tcel,  he  split  open.    129-3.     (PI.  24,  fig.  5.) 
dje^  gun  fats,  he  divided.    80-3. 

tai-,  ta-.  Used  relating  to  water  or  other  fluids.*^  The  usual 
duration  is  from  .15  to  .18,  but  coming  before  n  or  d,  it  some- 
times takes  a  final  n  or  t  and  shortens  its  vowel. 


40  ni,  58. 

41  m,  61. 

42  III,  61. 

43  III,  61. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  47 

tai  *ac  bun,  it  (water)  will  settle  back.    85-8. 

tai  nan,  drink.     88-6. 

ta  ya*  6  njjii,  let  them  drink.     123-6.     (PI.  33,  fig.  5.) 

ta  nas  t  ya,  he  came  out  of  the  creek.     175-3. 

Cf.  tsjnnasdjol^  rolled  out  of  fire.     147-9.     (PI.  41,  fig.  3.) 

tatc'5'buL,  prepare  (soup).     123-13.     (PI.  24,  fig.  1;  pi.  37,  fig.  6.) 

t^tdulsus,  we  dragged  out.     (PI.  35,  fig.  6.) 

ta  giiL  gal,  he  threw  in  water.    90-14. 
ya  guL  gal,  he  threw  up.     142-3. 

tai-,  ta-.  Uncertain,  seems  only  to  occur  with  stem  -t'as  -t'ats, 
meaning  to  butcher.** 

tais  t'  ats,  he  cut  up.     144-3. 
ta't'as,  butcher  (imp.  plu.).    109-4. 

ta  gut  t'ats,  they  cut  up.     175-4.     (PI.  24,  fig.  2.) 
dje^  gun  t'ats,  he  divided.     80-83. 

te'  -.  Relating  to  water,  but  usually  to  motion  into  or  position 
under  water.*^  The  vowel  including  marked  aspiration  has  a 
duration  of  .16. 

te'nodugge^,  we  will  put  in  water.     139-9.     (PI.  7,  fig.  5;  pl,  24, 

fig.  3.) 
te'nol  ^uts,  it  ran  in  water.    174-10. 
te' tc' gun  tal^,  he  stepped  in  water.     (PI.  38,  fig.  10.) 
te' na  tc'uL  deG,  she  washed  them.     (PI.  38,  fig.  3.) 

te'  no  ni  gi  ne,  I  put  in  water.     140-1. 
nonigine,  I  put  it  down.     137-2. 

t  gun-.    Meaning  around,  back,  behind, 
t  gun  nais  ^^n,  they  turned  around.     106-2. 

t  gun  nas  t  gets,  he  looked  back.     132-2. 
nas  t  gets,  he  looked  around.    99-5. 

ts'un-.    Meaning  away  from,  in  verbs  of  fleeing.*® 
ts'un  teL  del^,  they  ran  off.     165-10;  178-10. 

tc'e-.  Meaning  out  of,  correlative  of  ye-,  into.*^  The  vowel 
has  a  duration  of  about  .12.  It  unites  in  first  person  with  c  and 
in  third  person  with  modals  n,  1,  and  l. 

tc'e  nan  La,  he  jumped  out.    142-6.     (PI.  34,  fig.  4.) 

tc'e  nal  '^ac,  she  takes  out.     180-11. 

tc'e  nunyac,  come  out.     (PI.  24,  fig.  4.) 

tc'e  n  tq.n,  he  took  out.     170-14. 


44  m,  62. 

45  III,  63. 

48  Compare  Hupa  tsin-,  iii,  63. 

47  III,  63. 


48  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

te'e  n  gin,  he  carried  out.    98-5. 
te'e  kii  wul  tin,  he  was  pulled  out.     160-6. 
tc'el  gal,  he  was  thrown  out.    102-7. 
tc'eL  t^c  bun,  you  must  carry  out.     104-1. 
tc'enyai,  he  went  out.     102-9. 

ka-.  Used  of  motion  up  out  of  the  ground  or  water  and  also 
up  a  hill  or  the  sky.*^  The  average  duration  is  .17,  but  when  the 
vowel  is  closed  it  is  about  .1. 

kaya^ci%  they  dug  (bulbs).     148-12. 

k^l  ^aibun,  it  will  grow  up.     (PI.  26,  fig.  9.) 

kana  guile,  he  came  up  (out  of  water).     175-3. 

kanamiF,  they  carried  it  up  (the  river  bank).     175-4. 

ka  nac,  sun  came  up.    81-2.     (PI.  24,  fig.  7.) 

ka  si  del^,  we  came  up.     141-2.     (PI.  1,  fig.  7.) 

ka  gul  ^q.L  kwq.n,  they  had  sprung  up  along.    87-6.     (PI.  27,  fig.  7.) 

ka  nac  bun  dja^,  shall  come  up.     99-11. 
k'e  nac  bun  dja^,  it  shall  go  down.    99-12. 

kai-,  ka-  (kwa-).  Used  with  verbs  of  searching  or  looking 
for.'*^  The  k  is  strongly  aspirated.  The  duration  of  the  vowel 
is  normal,  .18, 

kai  n  te  bun,  (they)  must  look  for,     173-9, 

ka  ya'^  un  te,  they  looked  for  it.    179-6. 

kwa  no'  te,  look  for  it.    164-11.     (PI.  24,  fig.  6.) 

ka  kw  no'  te,  look  for  him.     160-1.     (PI.  39,  fig.  1.) 

ko,  kwun-.  Used  of  general  conditions,  as  of  the  weather,^" 
There  seem  to  be  two  forms :  kwun-  is  very  short,  ,06,  and  ko-,  .12, 

kowunyan,  it  grew.     166-7. 

kowunnun,  it  (ground)  jarred.     177-14. 

kowunsul,  it  was  hot.     (PI.  1,  fig.  5.) 

ko  wun  teL,  level.     106-6. 

dokogisin,  one  couldn't  see.     81-1,     (PI.  24,  fig.  13.) 

kwun  teL  te  lit,  it  was  becoming  flat.    107-3,     (PI.  27,  fig.  2.) 

kwun  sat,  deep  water.     74-10,     (PI,  34,  fig,  11,) 

kwun  LJ^n,  It  is  finished,     77,     (PI,  22,  fig,  15,) 

ko  wun  suL,  it  was  hot.     81-2. 
gun  SUL,  it  became  warm.     96-4. 

ko-,  kwut-.    Meaning  down,  or  down  hill.°^ 
ko  tc'  gul  ^uts,  they  ran  down.     153-9. 
kwut  tc' gun  yai  kw%n,  he  had  come  down  to.    116-5.     (PI.  24,  fig.  9.) 

48  Compare  Hupa  xa-,  iii,  56. 

49  Compare  Hupa  xa-,  in,  66. 

50  Hupa  x6-,  HI,  94. 

51  in,  57, 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  49 

kwun-.  Used  with  a  stem  -yot,  the  verb  as  a  whole  meaning 
to  pursue.    The  vowel  has  a  duration  of  .09. 

kwun  t  gi  yot,  they  pursued  him.    145-14. 

kwun  tin  yot,  they  ran  after  him.     (PI.  30,  fig.  13.) 

kwunyayol,  they  followed.     179-8. 

kwa-.  Seems  to  be  used  with  the  meaning  of  '  *  manner  like, '  '°^ 
The  duration  varies  from  .08  to  .12.  The  glottal  stop  is  usually- 
present. 

kwa' la,  you  (plu.)  did.     109-4. 

kwaL  i  mun,  you  must  do  it.    136-2. 

kwaL  in,  he  did.    129-4. 

kw^c  ^i  ne,  I  always  do  that.     (PI.  28,  fig.  12.) 

dikwa^Lsin,  he  did  this  way.     79-12.     (PI.  24,  fig.  15.) 

conk'  kwa^  laG,  he  did  well.    Cf.  104-6.     (PI.  22,  fig.  3.) 

kwun  ye'  -.  Under  the  ground  or  water.  The  first  vowel  is 
short,  .06 ;  the  second  syllable  ends  in  an  aspiration  which  may 
be  identical  with  ye'  on  p.  43  above. 

kwun  ye  i  duL  kwuc,  underground  we  will  go.     138-10. 

kwun  ye  dul  tuc  tel,  we  will  bury  it.    115-8. 

kwun  ye  gul  lat,  it  has  sunk.    174-12.     (PI.  24,  fig.  8.) 

kwun  ye  hi  duL  te  le,  we  will  go  (underground).    140-15. 
ti  duL  te  le,  we  will  go.    136-5. 

k'e-.    Of  severing  as  in  biting  and  cutting.®^ 
k'e  tc'  us  fats,  he  cut.     146-11. 
k'e  tc'un  y^n  kw^n,  bitten  off.    161-7. 
k'e  tcin  nac  bun,  you  must  bite  off.     101-7. 

k'e-.  Apparently  means  down,  used  only  of  setting  of  heavenly 
bodies. 

k'e  nac  bun  dja*,  it  (sun)  shall  go  down.    99-12. 
k'e  nin  yac  bun,  you  must  go  down.     101-15. 

Deictic'^* 

The  third  person  of  the  verb  does  not  have  a  subjective  prefix 
of  the  sort  and  in  the  position  found  in  the  first  and  second 
persons,  but  is  marked  by  the  absence  of  such  a  prefix.  In  many 
cases,  however,  a  prefix  with  demonstrative  force  is  found. 

The  singular  subject  when  indefinite  or  not  named  in  con- 
nection with  the  verb  is  referred  to  by  tc'-.     This  follows  the 


62  Hupa  xa-,  iii,  77. 

68  III,  85. 

54  ra,  99. 


50  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

adverbial  but  precedes  the  first  modal  prefixes.    Usually  it  forms 
or  begins  a  syllable  which  contains  no  vowels.      A  following 
consonant  often  seems  to  close  the  syllable. 
tc'usqSt,  he  speared  it.     (PI.  8,  fig.  8.) 
tc'us  t'ok',  he  flaked.     156-7.     (PI.  11,  fig.  8.) 
tc'nneLyil^,  she  eats  up.    180-9.     (PI.  1,  fig,  9.) 
te'  nes  tin,  he  lay  down.     175-11.     (PI.  5,  fig.  2.) 
tc'nunyai,  he  came  there.     142-14.     (PI,  25,  fig.  6.) 
tc'n  ne  guL  «in^,  he  looked  at  it.    156-16.     (PI.  25,  fig.  12.) 
tc'sinungi,  he  is  standing.     (PI.  26,  fig.  2.) 
te'tteLban,  he  walked  lame.     133-6.     (PI.  24,  fig.  14.) 
tc't  teL  buL  kw^n,  he  had  hung  up.     176-3.     (PI.  27,  fig.  8.) 
tc'qq.L  ya^  ni,  she  was  walking  they  say.    93-12.     (PI.  2,  fig.  5.) 
tc'gunyic,  he  broke  it.    79-12.     (PI.  10,  fig.  3.) 
yetc'gunyai,  he  went  in.    97-11.     (PI.  10,  fig.  9.) 

What  seems  to  be  this  prefix  was  often  recorded  ts'-. 
ts'uL  san,  he  saw  him.    97-4. 
ts'us  li^,  he  tied.    145-8. 
ts'  sin,  stood.     75-10. 

With  no  apparent  distinction  in  meaning  s'-  was  frequently 
heard  in  place  of  tc',  and  ts'. 

s'us  yi^,  he  made  a  house.    168-7.     (PI.  30,  fig.  9.) 

s'uslin^,  he  became.    84-11.     (PI.  32,  fig.  3.) 

s'us  tc'afi,  he  shot  it.     (PI,  41,  fig.  7.) 

nun  s'us  duk  k'e^,  he  got  up.    98-5.     (PI.  23,  fig.  10.) 

nun  s'us  tin,  he  picked  him  up.    179-14.     (PI.  39,  fig.  7.) 

A  subject  which  is  named,  or  the  last  mentioned  of  two  or 
more  nouns,  is  referred  to  by  yi-.  This  often  unites  with  the 
third  modals. 

yeyigun^^n,  came  in.    130-16. 

yiL  8q,n,  he  found.    134-14. 

yiL  sut,  (water)  broke.     75-3. 

yis  t'^ts,  he  cut  it.    162-10. 

nun  yiL  t'6  gut,  when  he  stung.    156-15.     (PI.  26,  fig.  3.) 

yi  nel  in^,  one  man  looked.     165-11. 

tc'n  neL  in^,  he  looked.     88-16. 

The  plural  and  the  dual  when  not  distinguished  by  the  stem, 
have  ya«-  in  the  position  occupied  by  the  other  deictic  prefixes.^' 
ya^n  ya^  ni,  they  said  they  say.    82-11.     (PI.  4,  fig.  4.) 
be  ya^L  ^ai%  they  tried  it.    85-2.     (PI.  28,  fig.  5.) 
ta  ya^  6  n^n,  let  them  drink.    123-6.     (PI.  33,  fig.  5.) 

ka  ya^  un  te,  they  looked  for  it.    179-6. 
ka  un  te,  she  looked.     114-9. 

B8  III,  99. 


1911]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  51 

The  deictic  prefixes  tc'-,  yi-,  and  ya«-  occur  not  only  referring 
to  the  subject  but  to  the  object,  in  which  case  they  are  found  in 
all  persons  of  the  verb.  The  Hupa  prefix  corresponding  to  tc'- 
when  used  of  the  object  is  k-  or  ky,  giving  evidence  of  separate 
origins  for  forms  now  indistinguishable  in  Kato.°' 

tc'cL  na*,  roast.    109-6. 

tc'ic  t'a  te  le,  I  will  make.    156-5.     (PI.  40,  fig.  5.) 

tc'6'  y^n,  you  (plu.)  eat.    148-6. 

tc'6'  sut,  pound.     110-5. 

tc'wo^  buL,  carry  it  (plu.).    110-15.     (PI.  37,  fig.  4.) 

yis  te'q.n  kw%n,  who  shot.     141-12. 

yigunyafi,  (they)  ate  it.     113-16. 

tc'  on  gi  la  ne,  I  went  after.    136-10. 
to  on  gi  la  ne,  water  I  brought.    137-1. 

Objective 

The  object,  except  when  of  the  third  person  and  definitely 
named,  is  incorporated  in  the  verb,  occupying  a  position  between 
the  deictic  prefixes  and  the  first  modals.  These  weaker  forms  of 
the  pronoun  are  found  also  as  possessive  prefixes  with  nouns; 
first  person  singular  c-,  first  person  dual  and  plural  no-,  or 
n  h-,  second  person  singular  n-,  second  person  plural  no-  or  n  h-, 
third  person  singular  kw-,  third  person  plural  ya«  kw. 

In  the  case  of  verbs  of  speaking  with  the  stem  -ni,  -n,  the 
pronoun  is  combined  with  l,  "with,"  and  precedes  the  deictic 
prefixes.  The  pronoun  also  precedes  the  prefix  ga-,  wa-,  meaning 
"to,"  of  which  it  is  considered  to  be  the  object  rather  than  that 
of  the  complete  verb. 

euLsuse,  (nobody)  sees  me.    176-1. 

c  noL  in^,  look  at  me.    103-9. 

c  gi  yal,  I  am  sleepy.    164-4.     (PI.  29,  fig.  7.) 

no*  euL  gaL,  throw  me.    133-4.     (PI.  25,  fig.  1.) 

be  CO'  los,  lead  me  up.    147-6.     (PI.  6,  fig.  1.) 

tc'eno'  nunane,  he  killed  us.    117-6.     (PI.  25,  fig.  4.) 

n  he  oLkakwic,  we  will  pass  the  night.    105-3.     (PI.  27,  fig.  10.) 

n  hoc  t  ge*,  let  me  see  you.     142-6.     (PI.  43,  fig.  2.) 

ne  6  dun,  you  will  die.    177-4. 

da<  n  die  ge*,  I  take  you  up.    141-4.     (PI.  7,  fig.  3.) 

kwniLin'^,  she  looked  at  him.     134-2.     (PI.  9,  fig.  5.) 

Cf.  cuLtc'ni,  he  asked  me.    182-3. 

c  gaL  tc5s,  give  me.    97-13. 

5«  ni,  84. 


52  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 


First  Modal 

0. — There  are  a  few  verbal  stems  which  seem  to  require  this 
prefix,  but  it  has  not  been  possible  to  isolate  it  sufficiently  to  find 
its  meaning.  Its  position  is  after  the  objective  and  before  the 
following  prefixes. 

6el^n%  I  will  get.    137-2.     (PI.  24,  fig.  11.) 

6'tguc,  look  at  them  (imp.  plu.).     164-9.     (PI.  25,  fig.  13.) 

n  hoc  t  ge^,  let  me  see  you.    142-6.     (PI.  43,  fig.  2.) 

tc'o  na  gut  guc,  he  looked  back.     87-13.     (PI.  43,  fig.  4.) 

tc'oL  yi  kw%n  hiit,  he  had  named  when.  117-12. 

na-.  With  an  iterative  force  indicating  that  the  act  is  repeated 
or  the  direction  is  reversed.^^ 

nasli%  he  tied  up.    145-7.     (PI.  32,  fig.  6.) 

nas  dul  lin  ne,  we  have  got  back.    95-12.     (PI.  3,  fig.  6.) 

no  na  ni  kats',  I  fell  back.    182-16.     (PI.  44,  fig.  11.) 

te'e  nan  La,  he  jumped  out.    142-6.     (PI.  34,  fig.  4.) 

tc'e  na  gut  dac,  he  came  out  again.    149-13.     (PI.  37,  fig.  10.) 

ka  nagull^e,  she  digs  out.     (PI.  31,  fig.  1.; 

naslifi^,  it  became  (again).    107-8. 
slin^,  it  became  (first  time).     76-9, 

t-,  te-.  With  a  distributive  or  progressive  force  as  regards 
the  act  itself,  its  object  or  subject.^®  The  form  te-  is  found  in 
tenses  expressing  definite  action.  In  other  cases  the  vowel  u, 
short  and  weak,  is  found,  or  the  vowel  is  that  required  by  a 
following  prefix. 

tiduL,  let  us  go.    141-6.     (PI.  38,  fig.  2.) 

tuc  ge%  I  will  carry.    135-4.     (PI.  8,  fig,  4.) 

n  to  laL,  let  him  sleep.     (PI.  31,  fig.  8.) 

tc'  toL  k'%s  dja«,  let  him  drop  acorns,    129-8.     (PI,  10,  fig,  4.) 

tutbul,  it  rains,    74-4.     (PI.  36,  fig.  12.) 

te  siL  tcol^,  I  stole.    Cf.  141-15.     (PI.  42,  fig.  1.) 

te't  te  gus  tci^,  nearly  daylight;  the  east  was  reddening.  (PI,  41, 
fig,  12;  pi,  8,  fig,  2,) 

tc'ttelos,  he  led.    175-2.     (PI.  32,  fig.  10.) 

do  ha=  tc't  teL  kut,  they  did  not  go.    167-17.     (PI.  45,  fig,  7,) 

te'tteLban,  he  walked  lame,    133-6.     (PI,  24,  fig,  14,) 

n  tes  laL  ya^  ni,  he  went  to  sleep  they  say.    83-4.     (PI.  31,  fig.  10.) 

te'tes  yai,  he  went,     (PI,  29,  fig.  2,) 

tc't  tes  de  le,  they  went  on.     108-12,     (PI,  38,  fig.  1.) 

te't  tes  gin,  he  carried,    101-9,     (PI.  43,  fig.  3.) 


67  m,  67. 

68  III,  78. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  53 

A  prefix  consisting  of  d-,  the  syllable  completed  by  other 
elements,  frequently  occurs.  No  meaning  has  been  discovered. 
It  is,  however,  required  by  prefix  de-,  relating  to  fire,  and  na-,  to 
be  perpendicular. 

na  del  tea  mun,  they  shall  eat.    8.5-5. 

na  deL  gal  kw%n,  he  had  poured  in.    125-13.     (PI.  42,  fig.  12.) 

nadesbil%  he  sprinkled.     123-2.     (PI.  23,  fig.  9.) 

na  de  gut  tsan,  they  heard  again.     107-6. 

na  die  tea,  let  me  eat.     (PI.  24,  fig.  12.) 

na  doL  ^a^,  pile  up.     103-11. 

na  doL  ^a^  bun,  let  stand  on  end.     108-3. 

de  dun  «qc,  you  put  on  the  fire.    131-9.     (PI.  23,  fig.  15.) 

-he,  -h-.  A  prefix  with  he-  or  h-  follows  ye'-  (yi),  in,  na-, 
back,  and  stands  by  itself.  It  has  not  been  possible  to  assign  any 
meaning  for  it. 

yi  he  ^qc,  take  them  in.    113-4. 

ye  heL  a,  come  in.     143-1. 

yi  he  duL,  you  go  in.    97-10. 

ya^  hes  gin,  they  carried  it.     129-14. 

nai  hes  ^qn,  they  took  it  back.    107-10. 

na  hac  g^t,  I  will  untie  it.     79-1. 

na  hes  le  Ge,  it  swam  along.     128-8. 

na  he  sun  t  ya  de^,  if  you  go  back.    137-10. 

na  he  siL  *uts  kwan,  I  ran  back.    182-6. 

na  hun  das,  you  go  back.     120-12. 

hi  tes  gin,  she  carried  them.    135-7. 

ka  hes  di  in*,  we  will  look.     173-17. 


Second  Modal^^ 

There  are  a  few  verbs  which  have  the  second  modal  prefixes 
throughout,  but  in  the  greater  number  they  do  not  occur  in  the 
indefinite  present.  It  is  in  these  few  present  tenses  without  other 
prefixes  that  the  force  of  these  second  modals  is  most  clearly 
seen.  It  is  quite  clear  in  these  forms  that  n-  indicates  comple- 
tion, s-  progression,  and  g-  inception  of  the  act  or  state.  In  the 
great  majority  of  verbs  one  of  these  three  prefixes  is  required  in 
the  definite  or  past  tense;  in  most  cases,  in  fact,  it  is  by  the 
presence  of  one  of  these  second  modals  that  the  definite  tense  is 
distinguished  from  the  indefinite.    They  are  regularly  used  with 


69  Cf.  Hupa  W-,  ni,  95. 


54  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

certain  adverbial  prefixes  without  much  regard  to  their  mean- 
ing.^" 

These  second  modals  directly  precede  the  subjective  prefixes 
in  the  first  and  second  persons  and  the  third  modals  in  the  third 
person  with  which  they  form  syllables.  The  progressive  s-,  how- 
ever, may  stand  alone  in  the  syllable,  be  joined  to  the  stem,  or 
close  a  syllable  of  which  a  first  modal  is  the  initial. 

g-,  in  a  few  verbs  seems  clearly  to  have  an  inceptive  force; 
in  others  it  seems  to  occur  regularly  with  certain  adverbial  pre- 
fixes with  which  its  tie  seems  to  be  formal  rather  than  logical, 
gi  duL,  we  will  go.    96-13. 
gun  eL,  you  carry.    137-13. 
guc  caL,  I  walk.    163-10. 

ya^  guL  gal,  he  threw  up.    142-3.     (PI.  23,  fig.  1.) 
ye' tc' gun  yai,  he  went  in.    132-13.     (PI.  23,  fig.  2.) 
ta  gut  fats,  he  butchered.    175-4.     (PI.  24,  fig.  2.) 
dje*^  guL  tcel,  she  split  open.     129-3.     (PI.  24,  fig.  5.) 
kwun  ye'  gul  lat,  it  sank.    174-12.     (PI.  24,  fig.  8.) 
kwut  tc' gun  yai,  he  went  down.    116-5.     (PI.  24,  fig.  9.) 
guLtcat,  he  shouted.    165-9.     (PI.  25,  fig.  10.) 
gunnes,  it  became  long.    87-1.     (PI.  25,  fig.  8.) 

S-.  Verbs  employing  s-  are  usually  of  acts  or  states  which  con- 
tinue for  some  time. 

si  da  ye,  I  sit.    140-7. 

si  tine,  I  lie.     175-16. 

s  gin,  it  was.     138-18. 

st^n,  lay.     176-18. 

stin,  lay.     100-2. 

sta,  he  sits.    123-7. 

sun  da,  you  live.     79-7. 

be  ne  siL  git  de,  I  am  becoming  afraid.    130-15.     (PI.  6,  fig.  2.) 

bi^  sta,  he  was  sitting  in.     132-3.     (PI.  6,  fig.  7.) 

tc'usli^,  he  caught  in  a  noose.    108-4.     (PI,  1,  fig.  6.) 

tc'us  qot,  he  speared  it.    128-13.     (PI.  8,  fig.  8.) 

ka  si  del^,  we  came  up.     141-2,     (PI.  1,  fig.  7.) 


60  Examples  of  all  three  of  the  second  modal  prefixes  may  be  seen  on 
V,  138.  In  line  14,  nigine,  I  bring,  occurs  without  a  prefix.  In  the  next 
line  it  occurs  in  the  same  form  with  the  prefix  no.  In  both  of  these  the 
completion  of  the  act  is  clear.  In  line  15  g  occurs  in  do  ha^  ge  gin,  she  did 
not  bring  it  in.  The  inceptive  force  is  not  particularly  clear,  but  the 
statement  may  well  mean  that  she  did  not  begin  the  carrying.  The  fol- 
lowing line  has  s  and  the  stem  without  other  prefixes,  s  gin,  it  was,  and 
here  the  meaning  is  clearly  that  of  remaining  in  position  with  no  refer- 
ence to  the  beginning  or  end  of  the  act. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  55 

n-.     Seems  to  be  exactly  parallel  in  its  use  with  g-  above, 
having  however  the  opposite  meaning,  completion.®^ 
ni  ya  ye,  I  came  there.    136-17.     (PI.  29,  fig.  6.) 
nigine,  I  bring.     138-14.     (PI.  43,  fig.  8.) 
ii5'  ^ac,  you  (plu.)  put  it.     110-11.     (PI.  28,  fig.  7.) 
nanufi  ^ai,  a  fish-weir  (it  is  across).    133-9.     (PI.  28,  fig.  3.) 
no'  ^ac,  you  (plu.)  put  it.    110-11.     (PI.  28,  fig.  %.) 
beniLke^e,  I  have  finished.     78-14.     (PI.  23,  fig.  12.) 
tc'n  noL  y5L,  let  it  blow.     80-13.     (PI.  30,  fig.  11.) 
te'nniilkut,  they  came.     154-12.     (PI.  45,  fig.  6.) 
tc'  nun  yai,  he  came  there.    142-14.     (PI.  25,  fig.  6.) 

Subjective 

The  subjective  prefixes  are,  with  some  exceptions,  those  used 
with  nouns  and  postpositions.  They  stand  between  the  second 
and  third  modal  prefixes.  In  the  third  person  the  subject  is 
referred  to,  if  at  all,  by  deictic  elements. 

The  first  person  singular  has  two  prefixes.  In  the  indefinite 
tense  c-  is  used.  It  is  evidently  connected  with  ci,  the  inde- 
pendent pronoun.®^ 

ucyit,  I  will  make  a  house.     (PI.  30,  fig.  8.) 

uctciGe,  I  cried.     140-6.     (PI.  8,  fig.  6.) 

6cl^n%  I  will  get.    137-2.     (PI.  24,  fig.  11.) 

na  ca%  I  go  about.    133-6.     (PI.  35,  fig,  10.) 

nuc  *ine,  I  saw  it.    137-1.     (PI.  28,  fig.  10.) 

bee  ^ai%  I  will  try  it.     109-9.     (PI.  5,  fig.  5.) 

bee  na%  I  will  roast.     168-16.     (PI.  33,  fig.  2.) 

da'ndiege^,  I  will  pick  you  up.     141-4.     (PI.  7,  fig.  3.) 

tuc  ge^,  I  will  carry.     135-4.     (PI.  8,  fig.  4.) 

tc'ic  t'a  te  le,  I  will  feather  arrows.    156-5.     (PI.  7,  fig.  9.) 

kw^c  ^ine,  I  always  do  that.     (PI.  28,  fig.  12.) 

na  hue  da,  I  will  go  back.    132-8. 
na  hun  dac,  go  back.    115-7. 

The  definite  tense  has  the  vowel  i,  with  no  known  connection 
with  an  independent  pronoun  form.®^ 

niyaye,  I  came  there.     136-17.     (PI.  29,  fig.  6.) 
ni  gi  ne,  I  bring.     138-14.     (PI.  43,  fig.  8.) 
nonanikats',  I  fell  back.    182-16.     (PI.  44,  fig.  11.) 
siyine,  I  stand.     (PI.  25,  fig.  7.) 
si  tine,  Hay.    175-16.     (PI.  39,  fig.  9.) 

«i  ra,  95. 

02  Compare  Hupa  -iii«;,  -vlW,  and  -w,  ill,  97. 

«s in,  100. 


56  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

c6^  gl  la  Ge,  I  fixed  it  good.     76-12.     (PI.  31,  fig.  5.) 
doyihe^e,  I  am  tired.     98-1.     (PI.  36,  fig.  6.) 
be  ne  siL  get  de,  I  am  getting  afraid.     130-15.     (PI.  44,  fig.  3.) 
tesiLtcol*,  I  stole.     (PI.  42,  fig.  1.) 

si  ti  ne,  I  lay.    175-16.     (PI.  39,  fig.  9.) 
stin,  she  lay.     100-2. 

The  first  person  dual  and  plural  has  a  syllable  immediately 
before  the  stem  beginning  with  d.  The  vowel  is  the  weak  short 
ii  followed  by  the  third  modal  prefix  when  it  is  present,  surd  1 
becoming  sonant.  In  its  absence  the  initial  of  the  stem  is  taken 
over.®^ 

n^n  dul  «a^,  we  will  make  a  dam.     163-11.     (PI.  28,  fig.  1.) 
nadulyic,  let  us  rest.     140-18.     (PI.  30,  fig.  5.) 
doyidehe^e,  we  are  tired.     116-17.     (PI.  36,  fig.  8.) 
do  dul  BUS  he,  we  did  not  see.     116-18.     (PI.  26,  fig.  7.) 
te'nodugge*,  we  will  put  in  water.     139-9.     (PI.  24,  fig.  3.) 
ka^  dut  tca%  well,  let  us  cook.     149-7.     (PI.  25,  fig.  11.) 

When  the  stem  of  the  dual  and  plural  is  different  from  that 
of  the  singular,  instead  of  the  prefix  d-  the  first  person  in  all 
tenses  has  i-,  not  to  be  distinguished  in  sound  from  that  found 
in  the  first  person  singular  in  the  definite  tense. 

beduL,  let  us  climb.      (PI.  23,  fig.  13.) 

ti  duL,  let  us  go.     141-6.     (PI.  38,  fig.  2.) 

ka  si  del^,  we  came  up.     141-2.     (PI,  1,  fig.  7.) 

The  second  person  singular  has  -n,  undoubtedly  connected 
with  the  independent  pronoun  nin,  completing  the  syllable  which 
precedes  the  stem.  It  appears  to  be  dropped  before  the  third 
modals  1,  l,  and  d.^^ 

unqot,  spear  it.     128-12.     (PI.  44,  fig.  7.) 

na  nun  dac,  come  down  (imp.).     (PI.  23,  fig.  6.) 

de  dun  ^%c,  put  on  the  fire  (imp.).     127-12.     (PI.  23,  fig,  15.) 

tc'e  nun  yac,  come  out  (imp.).     (PI.  24,  fig.  4.) 

uL  tei,  make  it.     79-8.     (PI.  41,  fig.  8.) 

nunsuLgal,  you  hit.     129-10.     (PI.  42,  fig.  8.) 

tc'uLduk,  crack  it.     138-2,     (PI.  38,  fig.  8.) 

k'wun  nul  luc,66  put  it  on.     (PI,  31,  fig.  7.) 

te'un  yan,  you  eat.     125-7.     (PI.  29,  fig.  13.) 

tc'o'  y^n,  you  (plu.)  eat.    148-6.     (PI.  29,  fig.  10.) 

The  prefix  appearing  in  the  second  person  dual  and  plural  is 

64  ra,  98. 

65  HI,  98. 

66  n  assimilated  to  the  following  1. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  57 

-5',  in  which  the  aspiration  is  quite  marked.    The  third  modal  l 
completes  the  syllable  when  present.    In  certain  cases  the  vowel 
seems  to  be  contracted,  resulting  in  aspirated  a. 
natc'6'  L6,  set  snares.     108-2.     (PI.  25,  fig.  5.) 
n  to' l^L,  go  to  sleep.     110-16.     (PI.  31,  fig.  11.) 
be  CO'  16s,  take  me  up.     147-6.     (PI.  6,  fig.  1.) 
ta  tc'o'  buL,  make  soup.     12313.     (PI.  24,  fig.  1.) 
tc'6'  y^n,  you  (plu.)  eat.     148-6.     (PI.  29,  fig.  10.) 
oLk'afi,  make  a  fire.     103-7.     (PI.  3,  fig.  7.) 
nacoLnabun,  you  must  doctor  me.     166-10.     (PI.  33,  fig.  4.) 
nesoLy^n,  you  ate  up.  136-16.     (PI.  24,  fig.  10.) 
tc'nnoLt'as,  cut  them.     166-15.     (PI.  40,  fig,  11.) 
6'tguc,67  look  at  them.    164-9.     (PI.  25,  fig.  13.) 
na'  be,  swim.     111-2.     (PI.  36,  fig.  9.) 

Third  Modals^^ 
6. — When  it  is  desired  to  convey  a  command  or  permission  to 
a  third  person  o  is  found  directly  preceding  the  prefixes  discussed 
below.    By  its  logical  limitation  it  can  only  be  used  in  the  third 
person. 

tc'6  g^c,  let  him  chew  it.     (PI.  5,  fig.  6.) 

tc' toL  k'as  dja%  let  him  drop  it.     129-8.     (PI.  10,  fig.  4.) 

te'oL  tci  dja^,  let  him  make.     140-2.     (PI.  27,  fig.  6.) 

n  he  6l  ka  kwie,  we  will  spend  the  night  probably.     105-3.     (PI.  27, 

fig.  10.) 
tc'nnoLyoL,  let  it  blow.     80-13.     (PI.  30,  fig.  11.) 
n  to  l^L,  let  him  sleep.     (PI.  31,  fig.  8.) 
ta  ya^  6  n^ii,  let  them  drink.     123-6.     (PI.  33,  fig.  5.) 
6  t  yats,  let  it  snow.     93-5. 

A  number  of  prefixes  occur  between  the  subjective  prefixes 
and  the  stems.  In  the  case  of  only  one  of  these,  l,  is  it  ever  pos- 
sible to  discover  any  meaning  or  force  imparted  by  it.  Certain 
stems  seem  always  to  be  preceded  by  t  or  d  and  others  by  one 
of  the  other  third  modals. 

It  would  seem  that  l  in  a  few  cases  has  a  transitive  force, 
since  the  same  stems  when  they  occur  without  it  have  intransitive 
meaning.  In  many  other  cases  it  is  impossible  to  observe  the 
transitive  meaning  because  the  real  force  of  the  stem  itself  is  not 
apparent. 

The  stem  -t^L,  -t^l^,  referring  to  movement  of  the  feet  has 


67  6  is  a  prefix,  see  p.  52. 
«8in,  34. 


58  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

L  when  transitive  and  is  without  it  when  used  of  walking  or 
standing, 

na  un  guL  t^L,  he  kicked  out.     89-7. 

no  dun  t%L,  you  step.     82-1. 

n5  t  gun  t^V,  stood.    82-3. 

The  stem  -tin,  -tic,  used  of  persons,  animals,  and  things  of 
animate  origin,  has  l  when  transitive  or  when  used  of  the  dead 
or  sick,  but  does  not  have  l  otherwise. 

s'uL  tin,  he  sick  lay  down.     158-4. 
noL  tin,  he  laid  him  down.     80-6. 
stin,  lay.     100-2. 
no' tic,  lie  down  (plu.).     96-13. 

It  seems  impossible  to  distinguish  fully  between  the  use  of 

L  and  1.    The  latter  is  used  always  in  the  first  person  plural  and 

the  former  in  the  second  person  plural.    This  difference  is  almost 

certainly  due  to  phonetic  causes.    Occasionally  1  seems  to  be  used 

of  the  passive  but  it  may  be  that  these  passives  belong  to  a  set  of 

forms  with  1,  neutral  in  force,  that  seem  to  exist  for  many  or  all 

verbs  with  l. 

no  wil  k'as,  fell.     152-1. 

to'  toL  k'^s  dja«,    let  him  drop.    129-8.     (PI.  10,  fig.  4.) 

gul  k'an,  a  fire  was.    108-2.     (PI.  45,  fig.  10.) 

gul  sq,n,  it  was  found.     83-13. 

But  compare  gul  tc%t,  they  shouted.     114-3. 

guL  teat,  they  (elk)  shouted.     165-9. 

gul  tcin,  they  made.     178-3. 

guLtcin,  were  made(?).     162-3. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  many  transitive  verbs  treating  of 
the  movement  of  objects  classified  by  the  stem  as  to  shape  and 
number,  do  not  have  l,  except  -tcos,  relating  to  flat  flexible 
objects. 

A  number  of  Kato  verb  stems  are  always  preceded  by  t.    The 
iterative  prefix,  na-,  requires  t  in  the  same  position.    It  is  pos- 
sible that  t  also  has  an  iterative  force  in  all  cases. 
6'tguc,  look  at  them.    164-9.     (PI.  25,  fig.  13.) 
n  hoc  t  ge^,  let  me  see  you.    142-6.     (PI.  43,  fig.  2.) 
wunguttyac,  some  became  old.    107-11.     (PI.  30,  fig.  6.) 
Ml  tc' gut  t  yin,  he  doctored.     (PI.  30,  fig.  3.) 
do  ha^  ka  n5n  t  yq,n,  do  not  be  ashamed.     141-8.     (PL  30,  fig.  2.) 
tetbil%  it  rained.     81-1.     (PI.  36,  fig.  13.) 
tc'ontgets^,  he  looked  at  them.     (PI.  43,  fig.  5.) 
ye  na  gut  ya,  he  went  again.     99-4. 
tc'e  na  gut  dac,  he  came  up  again.     149-13.     (PI.  10,  fig.  6.) 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  59 

"When  L  and  t  (due  to  preceding  na)  both  occur,  the  l  pre- 
cedes the  t. 

na  heL  t  kut,  they  went  back.     163-6. 
nagultban,  he  limped  along.     138-13. 

STEMS 

The  verbal  stems  of  Kato  in  many  cases  have  two  forms 
differing  phonetically.  The  present  usually  has  the  shorter  and 
weaker  form.®^  In  a  number  of  cases  the  variation  in  the  form 
of  the  stem  is  due  to  what  appear  to  be  reduced  suffixes  -n,  -1  and 
-L,  and  -c.  It  is  possible  that  the  glottal  stop  («)  which  seems  in 
some  cases  to  characterize  the  definite  past  is  also  a  remnant  of  a 
suffix.«»* 

Some  stems  phonetically  identical  have  no  discoverable  sim- 
ilarity in  meaning.  Since  the  complete  verbs  built  upon  these  are 
usually  quite  different,  no  confusion  arises.  It  is  possible  that  a 
number  of  these  could  be  shown  connected  in  meaning  if  the 
history  of  the  language  were  known. 

-«ai«,  -«a«,  to  have  position.''" 

bee  ^ai%  I  will  try  it.    109-9.     (PI.  5,  fig.  5.) 

kal^a%  it  sprang  up.    76-10.     (PI.  9,  fig.  1.) 

Le  ges  ^a^,  it  was  encircling.    82-15.     (PI.  23,  fig.  5.) 

nai  ^aibun,  it  will  be  across.     (PI.  23,  fig.  8.) 

di  «un  es  ^a%  up  there  in  a  row.    109-10.     (PI.  28,  fig.  4.) 

-«g,n,  -«^c,  to  transport  or  give  position  to  round  objects.'^^ 
de  t  gun  ^^a,  he  put  in  the  fire.     (PI.  7,  fig.  2.) 
no  ga  ^!|c,  he  put  along.     86-11.     (PI.  23,  fig.  11.) 
de  dun  ^^c,  put  on  the  fire.    127-12.     (PI.  23,  fig.  15.) 
no'  *ac,  put  it  (plural).    110-11.     (PI.  28,  fig.  7.) 


69  These  are  discussed  above,  p.  18. 

69a  In  many  cases  it  is  difficult  or  impossible  to  establish  the  exact 
form  of  the  stem.  There  are  several  with  endings  -c  and  -n  as  -tc'an 
and  tc'ac,  to  shoot;  -tcan  and  -tcic,  to  leave.  It  seems  probable  that  -c 
is  a  suffix.  It  may  be  that  -n  is  also  a  suffix  and  that  the  stem  ends  in 
a  vowel.  If  the  -n  belongs  to  the  stem  its  disappearance  before  c  would 
occasion  no  surprise.  There  are  several  stems,  however,  which  have  the 
simpler  form  occurring.  In  both  Hupa  and  Kato  the  stem  meaning  to 
carry  on  the  back  has  the  forms:  -ge^,  -guc,  -geL,  -gin  (Kato);  -we,  -wiiw, 
-weL,  -win,  -wen  (Hupa). 

70  III,  203. 

71  HI,  206.    This  is  probably  the  stem  above  to  which  -n  and  -c  are  added. 


60  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-al«,  -aL,  to  chewJ^ 

tc'  gun  al^  ya=  ni,  he  chewed  it  they  say.     109-7.     (PI.  26,  fig.  4.) 
natc'aL,  he  was  chewing.    143-3.     (PI.  41,  fig.  5.) 

-ate,  -ac,  to  walk,  to  crawl.^^ 

ta  tc'uL  ate  e  kwa  n^,  (turtles)  have  come  out  of  water.     95-8. 
tul  ac  bun,  (turtles)  must  walk.     121-4. 
tc't  tul  ac  bun,  (crawfish)  must  walk,     121-4. 

-cil,  -«lle,  to  sit  (plural  only), 
no' il,  you  stay.    168-1. 

tc'nun  ^il«,  they  sat  down.     170-8.     (PI.  28,  fig.  9.) 
no'^ilbun,  you  must  stay.     105-2.     (PI.  28,  fig.  8.) 

-«in«,  to  look.''* 

n  dul  ^in%  let  us  look.    168-1.     (PI.  3,  fig.  3;  pi.  28,  fig.  11.) 
k«;niLin%  he  looked  at  him.     134-2.     (PI.  9,  fig.  5.) 
dokogisin^,  one  couldn't  see.     81-1.     (PI,  24,  fig,  13,) 
ya  tc' kw  neL  in^,  they  saw  him,     (PI.  25,  fig.  3.) 
tc'nneguL  ^in%  he  looked  at  it.    156-16.     (PI.  25,  fig.  12.) 
nee  "^in^  tele,  I  will  look.     (PI.  27,  fig.  3.) 
niie  ^ine,  I  saw  it.    137-1.     (PI.  28,  fig.  10.) 

-cine,  to  do.''^ 

kwac  ^i  ne,  I  always  do  that.     (PI,  28,  fig.  12.) 
kwaLin^,  you  (plu.)  do  that,    113-4.     (PI.  28,  fig.  13.) 

-^uts,  to  run,  to  move  aimlessly.^* 

nas  ^uts,  he  ran  about.    134-3.     (PI.  29,  fig.  1.) 

-^uts,  to  shoot.'^^ 

te  ^uts,  he  shot  along.     144-9, 

-yai,  -ya,  -yae,  to  go.'^^ 

dabesya^,  he  climbed  up.     180-6.     (PI.  6,  fig,  4;  pi.  23,  fig.  14.) 

ye'  tc' gun  yai,  he  went  in.     97-11.     (PI,  10,  fig.  9;  pi.  23,  fig.  2.) 

tc'enunyac,  come  out.     (PI.  24,  fig.  4.) 

kwut  tc' gun  yai,  he  went  down,     (PI,  24,  fig.  9.) 

tc'nun  yai,  he  came  there.     142-14.     (PI.  25,  fig.  6.) 

tc'nunyahut,  when  he  came.     (PI.  26,  fig.  6;  pi.  29,  fig.  8.) 

tc'tesyai,  he  went.     116-9.     (PL  29,  fig.  2.) 

Luntesyai,  they  came  together.     (PI.  29,  fig.  4.) 

ca   k'enyai,   sun  went  down.     (PI.  29,  fig.  5.) 

ni  ya  ye,  I  came  there.    136-17,     (PI,  29,  fig,  6,) 


72  III,  206, 

73  III,  209. 

74  III,  209. 
78  ni,  211. 

76  III,  212. 

77  III,   211. 

78  m,  212. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  61 

-yal,  relating  to  sleepiness.     Used  with  person  affected  as 
object. 

cgiyal,  I  am  sleepy.    164-4.     (PI.  29,  fig.  7.) 
cgiyale,  I  am  sleepy.     114-10. 

-yan,  -yae,  -yg.L,  to  grow,  to  become  old.'^° 
nes  ya  ni  kwa  n^n,  it  had  grown. 

wunguttyae,  some  became  old.     107-11.     (PI.  30,  fig.  6.) 
ko  wi  y^L,  they  were  growing.    88-15. 

-yan,  to  like  (used  with  possessive  prefix  and  -djl^,  heart), 
do  kw  dji  yan,  he  didn't  like.    91-7. 
do  s  tci  kw  yan  iin  gi,  I  don 't  like  him.     142-16. 

-yan,  to  clear  off. 

nin  y^n  kw^n  un  gi,  it  has  cleared  off.     168-1.     (PI.  26,  fig.  1.) 
niiiyande^  when  it  cleared  off.    167-17.     (PI.  27,  fig.  1.) 

-yan,  to  be  ashamed. 

do  ha^  ka  non  t  y^n,  do  not  be  ashamed.  141-8. 
ka  no  t  yan,  she  was  ashamed.  180-8. 

-yan«,  -yil«,  to  eat.^° 

nesoLy^n,  you  ate  up?    136-16.     (PI.  24,  fig.  10.) 
te' gun  yan^,  he  ate  of  it.    129-5.     (PI.  29,  fig.  9.) 
tc'  6'  ygn,  you  (plu.)  eat.    148-6.     (PI.  29,  fig.  10. 
tc'uny^n,  you  (sing.)  eat.     125-7.     (PI.  29,  fig.  13.) 
tc'  neL  jlV,  she  eats  up.    180-9.     (PI.  1,  fig.  9.) 
Cf.  nesyidja^,  let  me  eat.     181-12. 

-yats,  to  snow.®^ 

0  t  yats,  let  it  snow.    93-5. 

-yele,  to  stop  crying(?). 

tc't  den  yel^,  he  stopped  crying.    148-4.     (PI,  29,  fig.  14.) 

-y6G,  -ye',  to  make  a  deer  drive, 
tc'n  na  dul  yeo,  we  will  drive.     110-9. 
te'n  na  dul  yeG,  she  always  hunts.    181-7. 

-yi,  to  name,  to  call  by  name. 

tc'oL  yi  kw%n  hut,  he  had  named  when.     117-12. 
61  yi  bfin  dja*,  shall  be  called.     99-7. 

-yin,  to  stand,^^ 

si  yi  ne,  I  stand.     (PI.  25,  fig.  7.) 

Cf.  tc'  sin  un  gi,  he  is  standing.     (PI.  26,  fig.  2.) 


78  m,  219. 

80  m,  217. 

81  Cf .  yas,  snow,  iii,  19. 

82  III,  220. 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 
-yin,  to  live  at  a  place.*' 

nonunyin,  they  lived.    160-12.     (PI.  29,  fig.  12.) 

-ylc,  yi,  to  speak.     (First  and  second  persons  only).** 
kun  nue  yic,  I  will  speak.    120-9. 
a  doe  yi,  I  boast.     128-1. 
kwinunyic,  you  will  talk.     174-3. 
ko  no'  ic,  speak  (plu.).    120-8. 

-yic,  to  break.*' 

tc' giin  yic,  he  broke  it.    79-12,     (PI.  10,  fig.  3.) 

-yic,  to  whistle.*^ 

kwoLyic,  he  whistled.     (PI.  30,  fig.  7.) 

-yitc,  -yic,  to  rest.*'' 

nadulyic,  let  us  rest.     140-18.     (PI.  30,  fig.  5.) 
nagesyitc,  he  rested.     161-4.     (PI.  30,  fig.  4.) 

-yit,  yik,  -yi«,  to  build  a  house.** 

acyit,  I  will  make  a  house.  168-6.  (PI.  30,  fig.  8.) 
B'usyi(k)«,  he  made  a  house.  168-7.  (PI.  30,  fig.  9.) 
gul  yi^  ya^  ni,  he  built  a  house  they  say.    83-11.     (PI.  30,  fig.  10.) 

-yol,  -yoL,  yo,  to  blow.*^ 

tc'nnoLyoL,  let  it  blow.     80-13.     (PI.  30,  fig.  11.) 
Cf .  6  wi  JO,  she  fanned,     153-3. 

-yos,  to  lead,  to  drag. 

ye'  kwil  yos,  they  took  her  in.     158-15. 

-jot,  -yo,  -yol,  yoL,  to  chase.^" 

kwuntinyot,  they  ran  after  him.     (PI.  30,  fig.  13.) 
bun  ti  gi  yo,  they  chased  it.    174-10. 
kwun  i  yol,  they  followed  him.     98-11. 
na  bun  yoL,  they  drove.    170-16. 

-lai,  -la,  -l§,e,  to  move  several  objects, 
ka  na  gul  l§c,  she  digs  out.     (PI.  31,  fig.  1.) 

ii  na^    tc'e  na  lai,    her  eye  she  took  out.     152-9.     (PI.  31,  fig,  2.) 
k'wunnull^c,  put  it  on  (sing.  imp.).     (PI.  31,  fig,  7.) 
belget  k'wunno'l^e,  spear  points  put  on.    168-11.     (PI.  31,  fig.  6.) 


83  in,  220. 

84  in,  246.    See  -ni,  -n  below,  p.  65. 

85  Cf .  Hupa  -yeuw,  to  rub,  to  knead,     in,  220. 

86  Cf .  Hupa  -yeiiw,  to  rest,  to  get  one 's  breath,    ni,  220. 

87  in,  220. 

88  See  ye,  yik,  house,  p.  19. 

89  in,  221. 

90  in,  221. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  63 

-lal,  -1§,L,  to  sleep,  to  dream.^^ 

n  to  l^L,  let  him  sleep.     (PI.  31,  fig.  8.) 

n  tes  laL  ya^  ni,  he  went  to  sleep  they  say.     83-4.     (PI.  31,  fig.  10.) 
n5  hin  nto'l^L,  you  (plu.)  go  to  sleep.    110-16.     (PI.  31,  fig.  11.) 
u  nas  laL,  he  dreamed  about.    145-2, 

-l^n,  to  laugh. 

ya'^sl^n,  they  laughed.     155-2. 
do  slan,  he  did  not  laugh.    103-15. 

-l^fie,  to  get. 

6cl%n%  I  will  get.     137-2.     (PI.  24,  fig.  11.) 
6'  l^n,  you  get.     133-14.     (PI.  1,  fig.  4.) 

-lat,  to  float.»2 

kwunye'  gul  lat,  it  sank.     174-12.     (PI.  24,  fig.  8.) 
tc'n  nul  lat,  it  floated  there.     148-1. 

-lag,  -la',  -le%  to  do.^^ 

kwaila'  ya*  ni,  he  did  it  they  say.     (PL  31,  fig.  3.) 
dikwa*  laG,  he  did  this  way.    154-5.     (PI.  31,  fig.  4.) 
co^gilace,  I  fixed  it  good.     76-12.     (PI.  31,  fig.  5.) 
a  co^  ul  le' ,  dress  yourself.    103-1. 

-lee,  to  sing. 

tc'eleS  he  sang.    149-11.     (PI.  32,  fig.  1.) 

te'egulle^,  he  commenced  singing.     105-11.     (PL  32,  fig.  4.) 

-leG,  -le',  to  swim  under  water.** 

nagulleG,  fish  were  swimming  down.    164-1.     (PL  32,  fig.  2.) 
w^nnileget,  I  swam  to  because.     175-5. 

-lie,  to  snare.®^ 

tc'usli^,  he  caught  in  a  noose.     108-4.     (PL  1,  fig.  6;  pL  32,  fig.  7.) 
nasli%  he  tied  up.     145-7.     (PL  32,  fig.  6.) 

-llfi,  to  flow. 

na  na  gul  li  ne,  it  runs  down.    121-9. 

-line,  -le,  to  become.** 

nasdullinne,  we  have  got  back.    95-12.     (PL  3,  fig.  6.) 
s'as  liii%  he  became.     84-11.     (PL  32,  fig.  3.) 


91  m,  232. 

82  III,  232. 

83  III,  230. 

84  III,  237. 

85  Cf.  Hupa  -loi,  to  tie,  in,  236. 
98  III,  233. 


64  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-15,  to  hail. 

6  16,  let  it  hail.    93-6. 

-16,  to  deceive. 

tc'kwLlo^ut,  when  he  fooled  him.     136-14.     (PI.  26,  fig.  5.) 
sko  16  e  kwafi,  he  was  pretending.     134-6. 

-16s,  to  lead.®^ 

be  c6'  16s,  take  me  up.  147-6.  (PI.  6,  fig.  1.) 
gul  16s  te  le,  he  will  bring  it.  (PI.  32,  fig.  9.) 
te'ttel6s,  he  led.    159-9.     (PI.  32,  fig.  10.) 

-lut,  -Lut,  to  burn  (see  Lut,  smoke)  .^* 
i  gi  lut  un  gi,  we  are  burning.    104-13. 
gul  lut,  it  was  burning.    173-16.     (PI.  32,  fig.  8.) 
nais  Lut,  is  burning?    119-6. 
na'Lut,  you  burn.    119-1. 
Cf.  de  luG,  burns.    100-6. 

-luts,  to  urinate. 

bi*  6'  luts,  in  it  urinate.     138-14. 

-luk,  to  tell,  to  relate.»» 

w^ntc'k61uk,  he  told  about  it.     (PI.  32,  fig.  11.) 

do  ha^  wan  kwul  luk  bun  dja^,  you  must  not  tell  him.     139-13. 

-La,  to  shoot. 

6  n6'  La  bun,  you  must  shoot.     173-4. 
te  La,  he  shot.    144-12. 

-Lan,  to  be  many. 

gunLq,n,  became  many.    83-14.     (PI.  33,  fig.  10.) 

gun  Lane,  have  become  many.     169-10.     (PI.  33,  fig.  11.) 

-Lat,  -La  (-Lag?),  to  jump.^°° 

nanunLat,  jump  across  (sing.  imp.).     (PI.  34,  fig.  3.) 
tc'e  nan  La,  he  jumped  out.    142-6.     (PI.  34,  fig.  4.) 
na  nun  La  gut,  he  jumped  across  when.     147-7. 

-LeG,  Le',  relating  substances  of  dough-like  consistency.^"^ 
bino'  Le%  soak  them.     110-6.     (PI.  34,  fig.  1.) 
bi^n6guLLeG,  they  soaked  them.     179-1.     (PI.  34,  fig.  2.) 

-Luts,  to  be  rough,  to  be  strong. 

n  Luts,  it  is  stout.     78-12.     (PI.  34,  fig.  5.) 


87  III,  237. 

»8  m,  236,  239. 

99  m,  236. 

100  HI,  238. 

101  m,  239. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  65 

-Loi,  -L6,  -Lon,  to  twine  a  basket,  to  braid.^"^ 

tc'Loiungi,  she  is  making  a  basket.     (PI.  2,  fig.  7.) 
nate'6'  L6,  set  snares.    108-2.     (PI.  25,  fig,  5.) 
6'  Lo,  braid.     113-3. 

a  de^  te'us  Lo  kwan,  he  had  girded  himself.     103-3. 
na  t  gut  Lon,  he  set  snares.     108-4. 

-na,  relating  to  hunger.     (It  has  the  person  affected  as  an 
object.) 

c  gi  na^,  I  am  hungry.     141-14. 
eginae,  I  am  hungry.     168-15. 

-naie,  -na«,  to  roast.^"^ 

te'eL  nai^,  it  is  roasted.     113-15. 

bee  na%  I  will  roast.    168-16.     (PI.  33,  fig.  2.) 

te'geL  na^,  he  roasted.     (PI.  33,  fig.  1.) 

-na(?) 

noL  tin  na^,  were  left.    158-10. 
-n^n,  to  drink.^°* 

taya^6ng,n,  let  them  drink.     123-6.     (PI.  33,  fig.  5.) 
tai  nq,n,  drink.     88-6. 
ta  nan,  he  drank.     79-2. 

-nac,  -nai,  -na,  to  go.     (Third  person  only.)^°' 
ka  nac,  it  came  up.     81-2.     (PI.  24,  fig.  7.) 
ka  gun  n^c,  he  came  up.     75-2.     (PI.  33,  fig,  8.) 
ye  gun  nae,  went  in.     165-15. 
yeginai^,  they  went  in.     107-17. 
ye  ni  na,  came  in.    143-11. 

-nat',  to  lick  with  the  tongue. 
tc'uLnat',  licked.     103-14. 

-nes,  to  be  long. 

gun  nes,  it  became  long.     87-1.     (PI.  25,  fig.  8.) 
-ni,  -ne,  -n,  -nee,  -niL,  to  speak. 

heu^tc'nni,  yes  he  said.     (PI.  33,  fig.  9.) 

tc'  te  gun  ni,  it  makes  a  noise,  thundered,     77-10,       (PI,   33,   figs, 
6,  7,) 

a  do'  ne  kw^n  n^n,  you  talk,    166-9. 

ya^n  ya^  ni,  they  said  they  say.     82-11.     (PI.  4,  fig.  4.) 

kwuL  un  ya^  ni,  he  told  him  they  say.     151-9.     (PI.  3,  fig,  2,) 

tc'  kun  nee,  he  talked.    160-1.     (PI.  25,  fig.  14.) 

do  kin  nee,  didn't  speak.     141-16. 

t  gun  niL,  it  kept  hooting,     179-7. 


102  III,  239, 

103  ni,  242, 

104  III,  243, 

105  111,  242. 


66  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-nic,  to  play.^°® 

na  go'  nic,  you  played  with.     134-17. 

na  gus  nic  kw^n,  he  had  been  playing.    115-10. 

-nuk,  to  relate. 

wun  kw  nuk  de*,  you  tell  about  when.     176-2. 

-sas,  to  pull,  to  drag. 

ta  nas  sas,  he  pulled  it  out.     132-7. 

t^t  dul  s^s,  we  dragged  out.     (PI.  35,  fig.  6.) 

-sat,  to  be  deep. 

kwfins^t,  deep  water.    74-10.     (PI.  34,  fig.  11.) 
-sat,  -sg,t,  to  sit. 

nuns^t,  sit  down.     140-18.     (PI.  34,  fig.  10.) 
na  n5'  s^t,  you  (plu.)  camp.    173-7. 

-sie,  relating  to  one's  head  and  its  position, 
be  t  gun  si*,  had  her  head  close.     152-3. 
t  gun  na  si*,  turned  heads.     165-12. 

-sll,  to  steam(?)."^ 

ne  sil,  I  am  sweating.     (PL  35,  fig.  1.) 

-sll«,  -suL,  -tsuL,  to  strike  (repeatedly)  .^°^ 
na  neL  sil*,  it  struck.    162-11. 

kwun  ye  tc'uL  sil,  it  pounded  into  the  ground.     154-10. 
6l  SUL,  peck.    113-9. 
nunyiLtsuL,  beats  against  it.     86-12. 

-so(?) 

no  te  gul  so,  she  pushed  in.     153-3. 
-sul,  -SUL,  to  be  warm.^°® 

kowunsul,  it  was  becoming  hot.     81-2.     (PI.  1,  fig.  5.) 

gun  sul  le,  is  hot.     149-7. 

gun  siiL,  it  became  warm.    96-4. 

-sun,  to  think.     (First  and  second  person.) 

ddkwnesun,  I  was  insensible.     182-17.     (PI.  35,  fig.  5.) 
no  nuc  sun  ut,  I  thought  you.     171-6. 

-sun,  to  hide. 

be  no'  sun,  you  (plu.)  hide  it.     113-4.     (PI.  35,  fig.  3.) 
be  non  sun  kwan  un  gi,  you  were  hiding  it.     101-10. 
be  n5  gus  siin,  she  hid.     135-11. 


106  m,  247. 

107  III,  253. 

108  Cf .  -sut,  to  pound. 

109  See  -sil  above,    in,  253. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  67 

-sun,  -siis,  to  hang,  or  to  be  hanging. 

tc'  teL  sun,  he  hung  up.     176-13.     (PI.  35,  fig.  4.) 
naLsus,  hanging.     176-16. 

-sus,  to  see.^°®* 

cuL  sus  e,  (nobody)  sees  me.     176-1. 

do  dul  sus  he,  we  did  not  see.    116-18.     (PI.  26,  fig.  7.) 

-SUt,  to  fall.i^" 

nol  sut,  he  fell.     147-8. 
tc'  teL  sut,  he  fell.  147-7. 

-sut,  to  pound."^ 

iis  sut,  I  will  pound.    110-3.     (PI.  35,  fig.  8.) 

k'  gun  sut,  she  pounded.     135-9.     (PI.  35,  fig.  9.) 

-sut',  to  wake  up.^^^ 
tee'  sut,  wake  up.    100-9. 
tc'e^nsut',  woke  up.     134-13. 

-eae,  -cae,  to  go.     (First  person  only.)^^^ 
na  ea%  I  will  go  about.     133-6.     (PI.  23,  fig.  7.) 
nan  ca^,  I  will  cross.    154-1. 
ta  cac,  I  went.    182-17. 

-ca\  to  catch  with  a  hook.^^* 
gusca',  they  caught.     158-8. 

-ce',  to  spit."^ 

k'wut  tc'e  ya  ce',  they  spit  on.    154-14.     (PI.  35,  fig.  12.) 

-em«,  -cun«,  to  be  black. 

et  ci  ne  kwq,n  n^n,  it  had  turned  black.    94-7.     (PI.  3,  fig.  1.) 
nL  cfin«,  black.     (PI.  36,  fig.  2.) 

-cl«,  to  dig."^ 

ka  tc'  guc  ci%  they  dug.     148-11.     (PI.  35,  fig.  13.) 

ka  tc'  gun  ci^,  they  were  digging.     148-8.     (PI.  35,  fig.  14.) 

ka  ya*  ci*,  they  dug.    148-12. 

-con,  to  be  good,  to  be  good  looking.^^'' 

n  CO  ne,  it  is  good.    79-4. 

n  con  un  gi,  it  is  beautiful.     100-5. 


109a  See  Hupa  -tsis.    m,  272. 

110  Hupa  -tsit.    ni,  273. 

111  Hupa  -tsit,  m,  272. 

112  III,  253. 

113  Hupa  -hwai,  -hwa,  -hwauw,  iii,  248. 

114  Hupa  -hwal,  -hwah,  iii,  248. 
116  Cf .  cek,  spit. 

116  Hupa  -hw;e,  iii,  249. 

117  Hupa,  -hwon,  ni,  201. 


68  University  of  California  FuMications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtJin.  [Vol.  11 

-he«,  to  be  tired  (but  only  when  used  with  a  negative  prefix), 
doyihe^e,  I  am  tired.    98-1.     (PI.  36,  fig.  6.) 
nin  donhe^un,  are  you  (sing.)  tired?    141-1.     (PI.  36,  fig.  7.) 
doyidehe^,  we  are  tired.     116-7.     (PI.  36,  fig.  8.) 

-ba,  to  be  thirsty. 

ta  gi  ba,  I  am  thirsty.     141-10. 
t  gi  ba  e,  I  am  thirsty.     118-4, 

-ban,  to  walk  lame. 

tc't  teL  ban,  he  walked  lame.     133-6.     (PI.  24,  fig.  14.) 

nae  ba  ne,  I  am  lame.     133-8. 

na  gul  t  b%n,  he  limped  along,     138-13. 

-bat,  -bg,e  (-biic),  to  embrace (?). 

be  te'  ma  dut,  he  embraced  it  when.     131-2, 
da  kit  dul  buc,  he  embraced  it.     180-3. 

-be«,  to  bet. 

tc'ucbe%  I  bet.     146-12. 

-be,  -bll^,  to  pick. 

ya^tc'be,  they  were  picking.     (PI.  36,  fig.  10.) 
ya^  k'  te  bil^,  they  went  to  gather.     152-5. 
ya*  to' be  dun,  they  were  picking  where.     120-6. 
ka  gum  me,  he  gathered.     76-4, 

-be,  -bin,  -bic,  to  swim.^^* 

nohin  na'  be,  swim  (plu,  imp.).     111-2.     (PI.  36,  fig.  9.) 
ni  bi  ne,  I  swam.    118-17. 
nano'bic,  swim  across.     96-11, 
tiimmie,  swim,     118-16. 

-bil«,  -bul,  -buL,  to  fall,  to  rain  (plural  object)."^ 
tetbiP,  it  rained.     81-1.     (PI.  36,  fig.  13.) 
ya*  ga  biP,  they  threw  over.     149-8. 
kw  na  s'is  bil^,  he  sprinkled  around  him.     80-6. 
c5nk  tut  bul,  good  it  rains.     (PI.  36,  fig.  12.) 
ce  nan  t  buL,  come  to  me  again.     143-8. 

-buL,  to  handle  flour ( ?). 

tatc'ummuL,  cook  mush    (sing,  imp.),     163-14.      (PI.   6,  fig,   8;   pi, 

37,  fig.  5.) 
tatc'o'bfiL,  cook  mush    (plu.   imp.).     123-13.      (PI,   24,  fig,   1;   pi, 
37,  fig.  6.) 

-buL,  to  hang  up. 

tc't  teL  biiL,  he  hung  it  up.     79-13.     (PI.  37,  fig.  2.) 

tucbuL,  I  will  hang  up.     115-6.     (PI.  37,  fig.  3.) 

tc' teL  buL  kw^,  he  had  hung  up.     176-3,     (PI,  27,  fig.  8.) 


118  Hupa  -me,  -men,  in,  240. 

119  Hupa  -meL,  -mil,  -miL,  in,  240. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  69 

-bun,  to  be  small ( ?). 

d5  bun  ne  kwa  n^,  were  small,     95-6. 
ya*  do  mM,  they  became  small.    107-12. 

-buns  to  be  full."" 

demun^   (dinbun^),  it  was  full.      129-12.      (PI.  37,  fig.  1;  pi.  6, 

fig.  6.) 
Ltemun*,  were  full.     82-14. 
do  te  bun  ne,  is  not  full.     149-6. 
tesdulbun,  we  filled.     182-2. 

-da,  -dai,  to  sit,  to  remain.^^^ 

sun  da,  you  stay  (sing.  imp.).    79-7.     (PI.  37,  fig.  7.) 
bi*^  sta,  he  was  sitting  in.    132-3.     (PI,  6,  fig.  7.) 
si  dai,  I  sit.    140-7. 
tc'nnesdai,  he  sat  down.     161-10.     (PI.  37,  fig.  8.) 

-dai,  to  be  exhausted ( ?). 

do  tco*  dai,  he  didn't  give  out.     126-12. 

-dae,  to  travel.^^2 

tc'e  na  gut  dac,  he  came  up  again.  149-13.  (PI.  10,  fig.  6;  pi.  37, 

fig.  10.) 
yaL  dac  bun,  you  must  jump  up.  82-16. 

-dac,  to  dance. 

nta  dac,  I  will  dance.    103-9.     (PI.  37,  fig.  9.) 
tc'  gun  dac  kwan,  he  had  danced.     (PI.  37,  fig.  11.) 

-dele,  -duL,  to  go  (dual  only)."^ 

tc'nnundeF,  they  came  up.     158-6.     (PI.  37,  fig.  13.) 
kasideF,  we  came  up.     141-2.     (PI,  1,  fig.  7;  pi.  37,  fig.  12.) 
te't  tes  de  le,  they  went  on,     108-12.     (PI.  38,  fig.  1.) 
be  duL,  let  us  climb.     (PI.  23,  fig.  13.) 
ti  duL,  let  us  go,    141-6,     (PL  38,  fig.  2.) 

-dele,  .(JeL,  -dul,  to  handle  objects  (plural), 
de  t  gul  deP  kw^n,  had  put  in  the  fire,    131-7, 
da  noL  deL  kwqn,  he  had  put  on  a  frame,     135-4, 
ta  ya  11  dul,  she  put  in  water,     143-4, 

-dcG,  -de',  to  win. 

na*  tc'us  deo,  he  won  back,    147-1, 

na*  tc'us  de' ,  he  won  back,    146-14, 

ko  wq.n  tc'  gul  de',  from  him  he  won,    146-8, 


i20Hupa  -men,  -min,  iii,  241, 

121  in,  254. 

122  Cf ,  -dauw,  m,  255. 
128  III,  256. 


70  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-dec,  -de' ,  to  wash. 

te'  na  tc'us  deo,  he  washed  it.  129-2. 

te' na  tc'guL  de' ,  she  washed  them.     153-5.     (PI.  38,  fig.  3.) 

te'  na  te'us  de,  he  washed  it.     168-16. 

-din«,  to  shine.^^* 

tcin  us  din ^,  shone.     85-9. 

na  tc'  nun  din  bun,  it  will  be  light.     140-4. 

Clin  dine,  the  sun  shines.     182-13.     (PI.  38,  fig.  4.) 

-d6«,  to  be  none.^^'' 

n  do^  bun,  it  will  not  be.     80-13.     (PI.  38,  fig.  5.) 

nut  d5^,  all  gone.     99-11. 

n  d6=  ye,  there  is  none.     109-1.     (PI.  38,  fig.  6.) 

-dill,  -duL,  relating  to  the  movement  of  fish  in  numbers, 
nun  dul,  they  came.    169-8. 
tun  duL,  come.    120-17. 
tun  duL  bun,  must  come.    120-18. 

-duL,  to  move  something  up  and  down(  ?). 

na  naiL  duL,  he  moved  (a  basket)  up  and  down.     150-2, 

-dun,  to  die. 

ne«  6  dun,  you  will  die.  177-4.     (PI.  25,  fig.  2.) 

ce  dun  ne,  I  died.    128-4.  (PI.  38,  fig.  7.) 

ce  e  dun  te  le,  I  will  die.  177-5.     (PI.  38,  fig.  9.) 

-duts,  -dus,  to  twist. 

gut  duts,  is  twisted.     114-1. 

-diik,  to  crack  (acorns). 

tc'uc  diik  e,  I  crack  them.     140-4. 
tc'uii  tuk,  crack  them.     138-2. 
tc'uLtukbun,  you  must  crack.     136-1. 

-djin,  to  be  day. 

o  djiu  kwic,  about  day  probably.     134-1. 

-djol^,  to  roll. 

t^nnasdjol^,  it  rolled  out  of  the  fire.     147-9.     (PI.  10,  fig.  1;  pi. 
41,  fig.  3.) 

-tale,  t^L,  to  step  or  move  the  foot.^^' 

te'  te'  gun  taF,  he  stepped  in  water.     (PI.  38,  fig.  10.) 

no  dun  t%L,  you  step.     82-1. 

tc't  te  guL  tq.L,  he  dragged  his  foot  along.     90-4. 


124  III,  260. 

125  Cf.  do,  not,  the  negative  prefix. 

126  111,  261. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  71 

-tg,n,  -tic,  to  handle  a  large  object.^-^ 

tc'en  tq.n,  he  took  out  (spear-shaft).     170-14. 
no  w%n  tic  bun,  give  us  (fish-spear).     128-13. 

-tan,  to  eat  (third  person  only).^^® 

tc'ttanungi,  he  is  eating.     174-1.     (PI.  38,  fig.  11.) 

-te,  to  look  for  anything.^^' 

kakwno'  te,  look  for  him.     160-1,     (PI.  39,  fig.  1.) 
ka  un  te,  she  looked.     114-9. 
ka  ya^  n  te,  they  looked.    114-8. 

-tel,  -teL,  to  be  wide  or  flat. 

n  tel,  flat.     180-14. 

kwun  teL  te  lit,  it  was  becoming  flat.    107-3,     (PI.  27,  fig,  2.) 

gun  teL,  was  flat.     106-11. 

tc'uc  teL  kw^n,  he  had  spread.     115-11. 
-tec,  to  teach (?). 130 

be  gun  tec,  he  taught.     122-11,     (PI.  39,  fig.  3.) 

kegutt'eG,  he  taught  them.    122-1, 

-tin,  -tuc,  relating  to  movement  or  position  of  an  animal  alive 
or  dead,  with  transitive  or  intransitive  meaning.^^^ 

nestin,  it  is  lying.    182-3.     (PI.  39,  fig.  5;  pl.  10,  fig.  7.) 

nuns'ustin,  he  picked  him  up.     179-14.     (PI.  39,  fig.  7.) 

t^n  nas  tin,  she  took  out  again,     129-2,     (PI.  39,  fig.  8.) 

ci  si  tine,  I  lay.     175-16.     (PI.  39,  fig,  9.) 

noniLtine,  he  put  it,     (PI.  39,  fig.  10.) 

tc'  nes  tin,  he  lay  down.     175-11.     (PI.  5,  fig.  2,; 

fiLtue,  give  it.     179-2. 

na  nun  tuc,  lie  down  again.     100-1. 

do  c  gqx,  tuc,  you  did  not  give  it  to  me.    179-5. 

-t6«,  relating  to  position  or  movement  of  water.^^^ 
no  te'un  to^,  water  came  so  far.     75-1.     (PI.  7,  fig.  6.) 

-toii«,  to  jump  or  to  cause  to  jump.^^^ 

nate'oLton^,  he  snapped  it.     (PI.  39,  fig.  11.) 

-tun,  -te,  to  be  cold. 

fis  tun,  it  was  cold.    96-1. 

us  tan  e,  it  is  cold.     (PI.  40,  fig.  3.) 

ko  wun  tun,  it  is  cold.    121-10. 

ue  te  H^  un,  I  might  be  cold(  ?).    133-8, 

127  in,  262, 

128  ni,  263, 

129  III,  264, 

130  Cf.  Hupa  -tu,  -te,  -tel,  to  sing,  in  a  ceremony,    in,  267. 

131  m,  264-6. 

132  Cf.  to,  "water,"  p.  20,  and  m,  267. 

133  III,  267. 


72  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-tuk,  to  burst. 

guLtuk,  it  burst.     182-5.     (PI.  8,  fig.  1;  pi.  40,  fig.  1.) 

-tuk,  to  kill."* 

sdjioLtuk,  kill  me  (plu.)  "my  heart(?)"     151-8.     (PL  40,  fig.  4.) 

-t'a,  to  use  a  sling. 

na  kw  nic  t'a  kwic,  I  am  going  to  sling  at  him.     122-14.      (PI.  40, 
fig.  9.) 

-t'an,  relating  to  wax-like  substances.^*' 
k'we  ya^  heL  fan,  they  stuck  on.     170-6. 

-t'ats,  -t'as,  to  cut.^*^ 

yis  t'^ts,  he  cut  it.     162-10. 

ta  gut  fats,  he  butchered.    175-4.     (PI.  24,  fig.  2.) 

te'n  ne  siL  f  ats,  I  cut  it  up.     138-15.     (PI.  40,  fig.  12.) 

tc'nnoLt'^s,  cut  them  (plu.  imp.).     166-15.     (PI.  40,  fig.  11.) 

-t'aG,  -tV,  to  fly."«^ 

nun  fao,  it  flew.    182-11.     (PI.  40,  fig.  6.) 

tc'icfatele,  I  will  feather.     156-5.     (PI.  7,  fig.  9;  pi.  40,  fig.  5.) 

-t'e,  to  have  an  appearance  or  disposition.^*^ 
ac  f  e,  I  am.    159-10. 
a  no'  f  e,  you  are.    139-1, 
^n  dut  f  e  ye,  we  are.    132-5. 
^n  f  e,  it  is.    100-10. 
kun  f  e,  she  is  like.    181-11. 

-t'e,  to  cook. 

toLfe,  you  cook  (plu.  imp.).    167-16.     (PI.  40,  fig.  10.) 

lis  f eye',  it  is  cooked.     163-15.     (PI.  40,  fig.  8.) 
-t'iii,  to  do."8 

do  kwa  fin,  he  never  did  that.    130-14.     (PI.  9,  fig.  4.) 

kw§.c  fin,  I  did  that.    147-5. 

-t'ot,  to  suek."» 

k'uLfot,  he  sucked  it.     159-2.     (PI.  40,  fig.  2.) 
tc'iL  f  6t,  (make)  it  suck.     115-3. 

-t  'oG,  -t  'o' ,  to  sting. 

natc'eLt'o,  she  stung.     156-14. 

nfinyiLfo  gut,  she  stung  them  when.     156-15.     (PI.  26,  fig.  3.) 

tc't  duL  f  6'  kwuc,  something  stung  I  guess.     114-14. 


134  Cf.  -tuk,  to  burst. 

135  ni,  268. 

136  III,  268. 

136a  Cf.  f a^,  feathers,  and  Hupa  -tau,  in,  268. 
187  in,  268. 

138  ni,  269, 

139  Cf.  Hupa  -tot,  to  drink,  to  suck,     in,  267. 


3912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  73 

-t'ok',  to  flake  flint. 

te'ust'ok',  he  flaked.     156-7.     (PI.  11,  fig.  8.) 

-tsai,  -sai,  to  be  dry."° 

olsaidja^,  let  them  dry,     136-3. 

guL  tsai,  it  was  dry.    123-4.     (PI,  34,  fig.  8.) 

tc'us  sai,  she  dried  it.     181-4, 

-ts^n,  -s^n,  to  find,  to  see,^*^ 

tc'uL  tsijn,  he  found.    97-4,     (PI.  34,  fig.  6.) 

do  ha*  tc'uL  tsa  ne,  he  did  not  find.     (PI.  34,  fig.  7.) 

UL  s^n,  do  you  see?     141-2. 

dogulsan,  it  was  never  found.     179-6.     (PI.  34,  fig.  9.) 

-tsan,  to  hear, 

octsan,  I  heard,     182-8, 

ya*  tco  sul  san,  they  listened.     178-1. 

-tso,  to  be  blue. 

dul  tso,  blue,    113-13.     (PI.  35,  fig,  2,) 

-tsut,  to  know. 

d5  6  dfll  tsflt  de,  we  didn  't  know  him.     119-8. 

-ts'eg,  -ts'e' ,  to  eat  soup, 

kgGLts'eo,  he  ate  soup,     (PI,  41,  fig.  1.) 

-ts'ea,  -tsV,  -s'uL  (-ts'ie),  to  hear, 
na  ya*  di  ts'eG,  they  heard  again.     106-16. 
ka  n%L  ts'i*,  they  heard  again.     106-14, 

-tcai,  -tea,  to  bury,  to  cook  by  burying.^*^ 
te'  gun  tcai,  he  buried  it,     129-2, 

ka«  dut  tea*,  well,  let  us  cook.     149-7.     (PI.  25,  fig.  11.) 
be  te  guL  ca*,  she  put  in  sand,     152-8, 

-te^n,  to  eat  in  company.^*^ 

na  dul  tcan  kwan,  he  had  eaten.     (PI.  41,  fig.  4.) 
nadictcanne,  I  ate.    171-9.     (PI.  41,  fig.  6.) 
na  die  tea,  let  me  eat  a  meal.     (PI.  24,  fig.  12.) 

-tc§.n,  to  defecate,^^* 

ts'  gftn  tc^,  he  defecated.    142-7. 


1*0  HI,  270, 

1*1  ni,  270, 

1*2  Hupa  -tcwai,  -tcwa,  iii,  275. 

1*8  Hupa,  -tcwan,  -tcwun,  in,  275. 

1**  Cf.  Hupa  -tcwen,  -tcwin,  in,  278. 


74  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-tcan,  -tele,  to  leave  one. 

6  tco  no' teic  bufi,  you  may  leave  it.     118-1. 

do  tcos  tcic  te  le,  I  will  not  leave.     139-18. 

6  tson  gut  tcan,  they  left  them.     178-11. 

6  te'6  ni  tea  ne,  I  left  him.    117-17.     (PI.  41,  fig.  10.) 

-teat,  -tea,  to  be  sick.^*° 
t  gun  tea  de,  is  siek.     140-5. 
dun  tea  bun,  will  be  sick.    79-5. 

-teat,  -te^t,  to  shout. 

guLte^t,  they  shouted.    165-9.     (PI.  25,  fig.  10.) 

ue  teat,  I  will  shout.     164-12. 

uLtc^t,  shout.     164-13. 

gul  te^t,  they  shouted.     114-3. 

-tcae,  -tca\  to  be  large.^*^ 

gun  teaG  kw^n,  had  beeome  large.     116-4. 

6  tea',  let  be  large.     93-7. 

w6^  ntea',  teeth  large.    86-5.     (PI.  4,  fig.  2.) 

-tce«,  -ce^,  to  be  bad."^ 
n  tce^  e,  bad.    140-18. 
do  ha*  n  tee*  mun  dja*,  let  it  not  be  bad.    171-10. 

-teele(?),  -tcuL  (-tceL),  to  split."^ 

dje*  guL  tcel,  she  split  open.     129-3.     (PI.  24,  fig.  5.) 

gul  teuL,  were  opened.     125-6. 

dje*  kuL  teuL,  split  it.     80-9. 

dje*  guL  teeL,  he  split  open,     129-3. 

-tceG,  -tee',  (-ce'),  to  cry,"^ 

tc'  gun  tee  ge,  he  cried.     133-1.     (PI.  41,  fig.  11.) 

dctei  Ge,  I  cried.     140-6.     (PI.  8,  fig.  6.) 

An  tee'  bun,  you  may  cry.     115-7. 

do  ha*  kw  un  ee',  do  not  for  it  cry.    117-8. 

-tei,  to  blow,  said  of  the  wind.^**" 

wanunteibun,  it  will  blow  through.    80-14.     (PI.  23,  fig.  4.) 

-tei*,  to  be  red,  to  dawn. 

tc' t  te  gus  tei*,  it  was  about  dawn.     (PI.  8,  fig.  2.) 
te'  gus  tei*,  it  was  red.     148-5. 


148  III,  274. 

1*8  Cf.  Hupa  -kya  6,  -kya,  m,  201. 

1*7  Cf.  te'M  gun  tee*,  he  was  angry.     (PI.  41,  fig.  13.) 

1*8  Cf .  Hupa  -kil,  -kiL,  iii,  282. 

1*9  Hupa  -tcwu,  -tewe,  ni,  280. 

180  Hupa  -tee,  ni,  274. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  75 

-tcin,  -tcl,  -tclL,  to  make.^^^ 

liLtci,  make  it.     79-8,     (PI.  41,  fig.  8.) 
tc'gultcil,  it  is  growing.     (PI.  41,  fig.  9.) 
kwna^uLtei,  make  him  live.     (PI.  10,  fig.  2.) 
tc'oL  tci  dja*,  let  him  make.     140-2. 
gul  tcin,  they  made.     178-3. 
ya'  heL  tcin,  they  made.     170-4. 
tc'is  tcin,  he  made.    77-6. 
gic  tciL,  I  place  along.     88-1. 

-tcos,  relating  to  flat,  flexible  objects,  such  as  skins.^^^ 
naL  tcos,  she  put.    180-7. 
cgaLtcos,  give  me.     97-13. 

-tcot,  -tcol,  to  steal. 

k't  teL  tcot,  he  stole.    118-11.     (PI.  9,  fig.  6.) 
ci  tesiLtc5F,  I  stole,     (PI.  42,  fig.  1.) 

-took  (-cuk),  to  arrange  in  a  row,  to  string.^^^ 
tc'  gun  tcok  kwq.n,  he  had  filled.     159-6. 
tc'  gun  cuk  kw^n,  he  had  strung.     135-1. 

-tcul,  -tcuL,  to  be  wet  or  damp. 

naguLtcuL  ya^  ni,  he  got  wet  they  say.     126-16.     (PI.  42,  fig,  3,) 
naL  tcul  ut,  it  was  wet  because.     126-11. 

-tcun,  -tcic,  to  smell. 

ye  gun  tcun,  he  smelled  it.     114-4. 
guL  cun  ne,  it  smells.     109-6. 
suL  tcic,  you  smell.  141-5. 

-tciit,  -tcl,  to  catch  hold  of.^"** 

yiL  tcut,  caught  it.     114-4. 

gul  tcut,  he  caught  them.     (PI.  42,  fig.  2.) 

tc'eL  tci^  ya^  ni,  he  caught  it  they  say.     142-5.     (PI.  42,  fig.     5.) 

naL  tee  bun,  you  must  catch.     116-16. 

-tcut',  to  feed.^'*'^ 

ku  wa  gut  tcut',  they  fed  her.     151-15.     (PI.  36,  fig.  4.) 

-tcut,  to  stretch. 

nuL  tcut,  you  stretch.     78-15. 

tc'eL  tcut,  stretch  it  out.     77-13.     (PI.  42,  fig.  4.) 


161  Hupa  -tcwen,  -tcwin,  -tcwe,  lu,  276, 
182  Hupa  -kyos,  ni,  284. 
188  Hupa  -tcwok,  in,  279. 
184  Hupa,  -kit,  m,  283. 
188  Hupa  -kit,  m,  283. 


76  University  of  California  Fuhlications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-tc'an,  -tc'ac,  to  shoot  with  a  bow. 
s'us  tc'an,  he  shot  it.     (PI.  41,  fig.  7.) 
guttc'an%  he  shot.    110-13,     (PI.  25,  fig.  9.) 
(in  te'ac,  you  shoot.     178-1. 

-ga,  -gai,  to  walk  (third  person  only).^^^ 

na  ga  kw^n,  he  had  walked.     154-12.     (PI.  42,  fig.  6.) 
na  gai  bun  dja^,  shall  travel.     99-13, 

-gal«,  -gal,  -gaL,  to  throw.^"^^ 

no  teL  gaV,  she  threw  it.     181-4. 

ka  tc'el  gaV,  he  tipped  it.     154-3. 

k'e  guL  gal^,  she  threw  away.     (PI,  42,  fig,  11.) 

na^  deL  g^l  kw^n,  he  had  poured,    125-13,     (PI.  42,  fig.  12.) 

ya-^guLgal^  he  threw  up.     142-3,     (PI,  23,  fig,  1,) 

na  noL  gaL,  put  across,     153-18, 

no^euLgaL,  throw  me.     133-4.     (PI.  25,  fig.  1.) 

-gal«,  -ggl,  -gaL,  to  drop,  to  beat, 
nan  gul  gaF,  he  beat  it,     177-6, 
nun  ic  g%L,  let  me  chop,     (PI.  42,  fig.  7.) 
nun  suL  gal,  you  hit,     129-10,     (PI.  42,  fig.  8.) 
naL  gq.L,  hit  again.     177-7. 

-gan«,  to  be  mouldy. 

te't  gan%  it  is  mouldy.    167-16.     (PI.  42,  fig.  9.) 

-gan,  -gaL,  to  kill  (with  plural  object), 
ucg^n,  I  kill?    96-10. 
6'  g^n,  kill.     113-6. 

tc'  gun  ga  ne,  he  was  killed.  (PI.  42,  fig.  10.) 
tc'e  no' nun  a  ne,  he  killed  us.  (PI.  25,  fig,  4.) 
naigigaLbun,  must  kill.     173-2. 

-g§c,  to  chew. 

tc'6  g%c,  let  them  chew  it.     (PI,  5,  fig,  6.) 
yo  g^c,  let  him  chew  them.     110-7. 

-gat,  to  sew. 

tc'e  naiL  gat  de,  he  sewed  up.     122-13.     (PI.  44,  fig,  5,) 

nona^nn^t,  he  untied  it,     122-15,     (PI.  44,  fig,  6.) 

na  he  gat,  he  loosened,     122-14. 

na  hun  a  bun,  you  must  untie  it.     78-15. 

na  hun  %t,  you  untie.    123-7. 

-gats,  -g§g,  to  scrape.^^^ 
6'  g%s,  scrape.    113-7. 
te'  ge  gats,  she  scraped  them.    153-5. 


156  Hupa  -wai,  -wa,  in,  221. 

157  Hupa  -waL,  -wul,  -wuL,  in,  222. 
108  Cf.  Hupa  -was,  m,  224. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  77 

-ge«,  to  whip. 

oLge^,  whipped?    102-9. 

-gel*,  -geL,  -gill,  relating  to  the  passing  of  night.^°® 
gul  ge  le,  it  -was  getting  late.     (PI.  43,  fig.  1.) 
tea  kwoL  gel^,  very  dark.     127-3.     (PI.  2,  fig.  4.) 
uLgul,  evening.     82-9. 

-get,  to  thunder. 

do  nai  t  get,  it  didn  't  thunder.     74-4. 

-get,  -ge,  to  spear.^®° 

wai  tc'  gun  get,  he  struck  over.    164-2. 
ya^  tc'  on  ge,  they  speared.    166-16. 

-gets,  -gue,  -ge^,  to  look,  to  see. 

nhoctge*,  let  me  see  you,     142-6.     (PI.  43,  fig.  2.) 
tc'6  na  gut  guc,  he  looked  back.    87-13.     (PI.  43,  fig.  4.) 
tc'on  t  gets^,  he  looked  at  them.     (PI.  43,  fig.  5.) 
6'  t  guc,  look  at  them.     100-9.     (PI.  25,  fig.  13.) 
5n  t  guc.  look.    95-12. 

-gin,  to  kill.^^^ 

sel  gin  ya^  ni,  he  killed  they  say.     (PI.  43,  fig.  10.) 

-gin,  -guc,  -ge^,  -geL,  to  carry  on  the  back.^"^ 

te'  nodugge^,  we  will  put  in  water.     139-9.     (PI.  7,  fig.  5;  pl.  24, 

fig.  3;  pl.  43,  fig.  6.) 
te'n  nug  guc,  she  brings  in.    180-9.     (Pl.  43,  fig.  7.) 
ni  gi  ne%  I  bring.     138-14.     (Pl.  43,  fig.  8.) 
tc'n  nun  nin,  he  brought  it.    135-11.     (Pl.  43,  fig.  9.) 
da  n  die  ge*,  I  will  pick  you  up.    141-4.     (Pl.  7,  fig.  3.) 
tuc  ge%  I  will  carry.     135-4.     (Pl.  8,  fig.  4.) 
tc't  tes  gin,  he  carried.     101-9. 
gue  geL,  I  will  carry.     141-1. 
gun  eL,  you  carry.    137-13. 

-git,  -guc,  to  be  afraid.^^^ 

be  ne  siL  git  de,  I  am  getting  afraid.     130-15.     (Pl.  6,  fig.  2;  pl.  44, 

fig.  3.) 
wun  ye  nel  git,  they  were  afraid  of  it.    154-6. 
wun  toL  guc  un,  might  be  frightened.     99-15. 

-gits,  to  tie. 

Le  gits*,  he  tied  together. 

tcum  meLyits,  a  stick  he  tied.     169-5.     (Pl.  30,  fig.  12.) 


159  Hupa  -weL,  -wil,  -wiL,  iii,  224. 

160  Cf.  bel  get,  spear  head.    133-8. 

161  Hupa  -wen,  -win,  -we,  iii,  225. 

162  Hupa  -wen,  -win,  -wuw,  -we,  iii,  226. 

163  111^  280. 


78  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-guts,  to  bite. 

be  te  guts,  he  bit  it.    109-7. 

-kai,  to  be  alive, 
na  kai,  alive.    114-2. 

-kal,  -kaL,  to  break, 
tas  kal,  break.    81-11. 
tuc  kaL,  I  will  break.    110-1. 

-kan,  -ka,  -kai,  -kaL,  relating  to  the  passing  of  the  night."* 
n  hes  ka  ni,  we  spent  the  night.     167-7.     (PI.  44,  fig.  10.) 
n  he  OL  ka  kwic,  we  will  spend  the  night  probably.     105-3.     (PI.  27, 

fig.  10.) 
do  yiL  kai,  not  day.    178-12. 
yigulk^L,  it  was  daylight.     105-5. 
yiguLkalit,  it  got  light  when.    114-5. 

-kg,n,  -kac,  -ka,  to  move  a  vessel  containing  liquid.^"" 
wa^  un  k^,  she  gave  him.     129-4.     (PI,  23,  fig.  3.) 
kowakac,  give  him  (a  basket  of  food).     (PI.  45,  fig.  1.) 

Used  of  fishing  with  a  net,  probably  the  same  stem. 
Cf.  6'  kan,  net  it.    168-14. 
ts'  gun  kan,  he  had  caught.    120-1. 
do  ya^  kac,  they  didn't  net  it.    168-14. 
kwa  tc  'gus  t  ka,  for  him  they  dipped.    155-7. 

-k§,n,  -kun,  to  be  sweet.^**^ 
L  kun,  is  sweet.    166-11. 
tMkamundja^,  sweet  will  be.     91-5. 

-ke«,  to  finish,^^^ 

beniLke^e,  I  have  finished.     82-15.     (PI.  23,  fig.  12.) 
bel  ke%  he  finished.    172-12.     (PI.  45,  fig.  3.) 
be  iL  ke  get,  he  finished  when.    149-15. 
be  gee  ke  Ge,  I  am  finishing.    76-7. 

-kee,  to  bathe  (plural  only). 

na'  ke«,  bathe.     172-14.     (PI.  45,  fig.  2.) 

-ket,  to  trade."^ 

he  tc'on  ket,  they  traded.     172-6. 

-kut,  to  ask,  to  question,^*" 

do  ha^  CO  doL  kiit,  do  not  ask  me.     166-8.     (PI.  45,  fig.  8.) 


184  Hupa  -xa,  -xal,  -xaL,  -xfin,  iii,  250. 

185  Hupa  -xan,  -xun,  -xauw,  iii,  250. 
168  Hupa  -xan,  -xun,  m,  250. 

187  Hupa  -xe,  -xu,  ni,  252. 

188  Cf .  Hupa  -xait,  -xai,  to  buy,  m,  251. 
188  Hupa  -xut,  -xul,  m,  252. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  79 

-kut,  to  travel  (plural  only). 

tc'n  nul  kut,  they  came.    154-12.     (PI.  45,  fig.  6.) 

do  ha«  te't  teL  kut,  they  did  not  go.    167-17.     (PI.  45,  fig.  7.) 

-kut,  to  swallow. 

tc'gulkut,  he  swallowed.    109-7.     (PI.  1,  fig.  3;  pi,  45,  fig.  5.) 
noe  kut,  may  I  swallow  you.    181-14. 
kw  sal  kut,  his  mouth  he  put  in.    157-15. 

-kut,  to  fall. 

wal  kut,  fell  through.    158-1. 
na  te'un  kut,  it  fell.    83-4. 

-kut,  -kus,  to  float, 
yalkut,  floated.    143-7. 
teL  kut,  were  washed  away.    71-7. 
n5  nuk  kus,  it  floated  about.     127-8. 

-k'aG,  -k'a',  to  be  fat."° 

L  kV  bun  dja%  let  it  be  fat.    85-14.     (PI.  26,  fig.  10.) 

L  k'aG,  is  fat.    83-15. 
-k'ai,  to  hit  (with  an  arrow)  .^^^ 

nun  neL  k'ai,  he  hit.    156-14.    (PI.  45,  fig.  9.) 

-k'an,  to  build  a  fire.^^^ 

oLk'an,  make  a  fire.     103-7.     (PI.  3,  fig.  7.) 
gulk'^n,  there  was  a  fire.     162-13.     (PI.  45,  fig.  10.) 
uL  k'an,  make  a  fire.    127-11.     (PI.  45,  fig.  11.) 

-k'ats,  -k'as,  -k'aL,  relating  to  position  and  movement  of  long 
objects  only. 

tc't6Lk'^sdja%  let  him  drop.     129-8.     (PI.  10,  fig.  4.) 

ya*  guL  k'as,  he  threw  up.    154-5. 

w^n  t  gul  k'^c,  she  threw  up.     144-7. 

nowilk'as,  fell.    152-1. 

nun  ya^L  k'as,  they  pushed  them  in.    154-14. 

tc'  gul  k'aL,  it  fell.    154-10. 

te'iLk'^L,  it  struck.     154-11. 

-k'ee,  to  brace  oneself  in  getting  up  from  a  sitting  or  lying 
position.^'^ 

nun  s'us  duk  k'e%  he  got  up.    98-5.     (PI.  23,  fig.  10.) 
nun  un  duk  k'e^,  get  up.     100-3.     (PI.  44,  fig.  8.) 

-k'ots,  to  be  sour,  to  be  bitter, 
dfink'ots,  sour.    139-11. 
do  dun  k'6  tcit,  it  is  not  salt  because.    87-10. 

170  Hupa  -kau,  -ka,  ixi,  202. 

171  in,  281. 

172  Cf.  Hupa,  wil  kan  nei,  a  fire  is  burning,     i,  151,  1.  4. 
178  Cf.  Hupa  -kai,  -ka,  m,  280. 


80  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-k'uc,  to  lighten. 

do  tc't  tuL  k'uc,  it  did  not  lighten.    74-6.     (PI.  44,  fig.  9.) 

-k'ufic,  to  twist."* 

6'k'un^,  twist.    163-12. 

na  tc'  k'un^,  it  is  writliing.     177-8. 

-k'uts,  to  push  in, 

w^k'uts,  put  in.     105-14. 

nai  neL  k'uts  kw%n,  had  stuck  in.     158-4. 

t%t  fis  k'uts,  he  pulled  it  out.     127-9. 

-qal,  -qaL,  to  walk  (third  person  only)."** 

tc' qaL  ya^  ni,  he  was  walking  they  say.     93-12.      (PI,   2,  fig.   5; 
pi.  44,  fig.  1.) 

-qot,  to  penetrate  with  a  point,  to  spear.^^® 
tc'usqot,  he  speared.     128-13.     (PI.  8,  fig.  8.) 
unqot,  spear  it.    128-12.     (PI.  44,  fig.  7.) 
fie  qot,  I  will  spear  it.    164-2. 

SUFFIXES 

The  source  of  the  information  upon  which  the  statement  is 
based,  the  degree  of  probability,  and  the  time  and  stage  of  com- 
pletion are  indicated  by  suffixes  which  stand  after  the  stem  of  the 
verb.  In  some  cases  it  is  a  matter  of  doubt  whether  these  should 
be  treated  as  separate  words  or  as  word  parts  merely.  In  most 
cases  they  do  not  seem  to  carry  definite  meaning  when  disjointed 
from  the  verb.  Several  of  them  are  affixed  to  nouns  and  other 
parts  of  speech. 

Source  of  Information 

-e,  -e  are  used  of  facts  directly  observed  or  in  which  the 
speaker  is  concerned  and  has  personal  knowledge.  The  forms 
with  -e  seem  to  be  more  emphatic. 

be  ne  siL  git  di,  I  am  becoming  afraid.     130-15.     (PI.  6,  fig.  2.) 

be  niL  ke^e,  I  have  finished.    82-15.     (PI.  23,  fig.  12.) 

siyine,  I  stand,     (PI.  25,  fig,  7.) 

ye  s^ane,  house  stands,     (PI.  28,  fig.  6.) 

uc  ga  ne,  I  kill.    138-4. 

na  fin  guL  'a'  e,  he  put  across.    134-5. 

nasdullinne,  we  have  got  back.     95-12.     (PI.  3,  fig.  6.) 

tc'ongilane,  I  went  after,     136-10. 

174  Cf.  k'un%  withes.    163-12. 

175  III,  284. 

176  III,  285. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Eato  Language  81 

-un  gi  states  the  fact  as  undoubtedly  true  and  directly 
observed  but  seems  to  indicate  a  degree  of  surprise. 

tc'Loiungi,  she  is  making  a  basket.     (PI.  2,  fig.  7.) 

nin  y^n  kwq,n  un  gl,  it  has  cleared  off.     168-1.     (PI.  26,  fig.  1.) 

tc'sinungi,  he  is  standing.     (PI.  26,  fig.  2.) 

tc'ttan^  un  gi,  he  is  eating.    174-1.     (PI.  38,  fig.  11.) 

ya«ni,  tc'in,  are  in  form  independent  verbs.  The  former  is 
the  regular  quotative  used  in  myths  and  tales  and  is  quite  in- 
definite as  to  its  subject. 

tc'  qq^L  ya^  ni,  he  was  walking  they  say.     93-12.     (PI.  2,  fig.  5.) 
te'  gun  al^  ya^  ni,  he  chewed  it  they  say.     109-7.     (PI.  26,  fig.  4.) 
kwai«  la'   ya^  ni,  he  did  it  they  say.     (PI.  31,  fig.  3.) 
na  guL  teuL  ya^  ni,  he  got  wet  they  say.     126-16.     (PI.  42,  fig.  3.) 
selgin  ya^  ni,  he  killed  they  say.     (PI.  43,  fig.  10.) 

-kw^n  refers  to  acts  which  while  not  directly  observed,  are 
inferred  with  certainty  from  the  nature  of  the  evidences  observed. 

ka  guL  ^^L  kw^n,  they  had  sprung  up  along.     87-13.     (PI.  27,  fig.  7.) 

tc't  teL  buL  kw^n,  he  had  hung  up,     176-3.     (PI.  27,  fig.  8.) 

tc' gun  dae  kw^n,  he  had  danced.     (PI.  37,  fig.  11.) 

nagakw^n,  he  had  walked.    154-12.     (PI.  42,  fig.  6.) 

na^  deL  gs^  kw%n,  he  had  poured.     125-13.     (PI,  42,  fig.  12.) 

-kwa  n^n  seems  to  be  used  with  suffix  -e,  -e  and  indicates  that 
the  evidence  but  not  the  act  is  directly  observed, 
et  ci  ne  kwa  nq,n,  were  black.     94-7. 
et  ga  ye  kwa  nan,  were  getting  white.    94-5. 
ta  tc'uL  ate  e  kwa  n^n,  turtles  have  come  out  of  water.     95-8. 
tc'teL  teot  ye  kwa  n^,  someone  had  stolen,     138-15, 

-kwuc,  -kwic,  is  used  with  the  first  person  only,  and  denotes 
conjecture  as  to  past,  present,  or  future  happenings, 
an  kwuc,  it  cries  I  guess.    115-4. 
na  hue  da  kwuc,  I  will  go  back.     137-10. 
na  kw  nie  t'a  kwic,  I  am  going  to  sling  at  him.     122-14.      (PI.  40, 

fig.  9.) 
n  he  6l  ka  kwic,  we  will  spend  the  night  probably.     105-3.     (PI,  27, 

fig,  10,) 
kwun  s'us  noL  ke^  kwuc,  might  track  us,    142-11. 

-kwul  luc.  This  suffix  seems  to  be  related  to  the  last  in  both 
form  and  meaning. 

.  un  gi  kwul  luc,  is  I  think.     170-13. 
us  t'e  kwul  luc  un,  it  is  done  I  guess.    169-1. 

Modal 
-bun  predicts  the  act  or  happening  with  more  or  less  deter- 
mination on  the  part  of  the  speaker  that  it  shall  come  to  pass. 


82  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

wa  nfin  tci  bun,  it  will  blow  through.     80-14.     (PI.  23,  fig.  4.) 
nai  ^ai  bun,  it  will  be  across.    85-8.     (PI.  23,  fig.  8.) 
k%l  ^ai  bun,  it  will  grow  up.     84-11.     (PI.  26,  fig.  9.) 
no'^ilbun,  you  must  stay.     105-2.     (PI.  28,  fig.  8.) 
nacoLnabun,  you  must  doctor  me.    166-10.     (PI.  33,  fig.  4.) 

-dja«  is  used  of  future  predictions  in  which  determination  or 
desire  on  the  part  of  the  speaker  that  the  events  shall  come  to 
pass  is  usually  evident.  For  this  reason  it  occurs  more  fre- 
quently in  the  first  person. 

tc' toL  k'^s  dja%  let  him  drop.     129-8.     (PI.  10,  fig.  4.) 
te'6Ltcidja%  let  him  make.     140-2.     (PI.  27,  fig.  6.) 
kucna*  dja%  I  want  to  live.     171-7.     (PI.  27,  fig.  5.) 
L  kV  bun  dja%  let  it  be  fat.     85-14.     (PI.  26,  fig.  10.) 
a  dul  le'  dja<^,  we  will  do  it.     83-2. 
6c  t  ge«  dja%  I  will  look  at.    149-13. 

-teL,  -te  le.  The  simple  future  prediction  without  an  implica- 
tion of  duty,  necessity,  or  intention  is  expressed  by  teL ;  te  le 
is  used  when  the  information  is  on  the  speaker's  authority. 

tc'ic  t'a  te  le,  I  will  feather  arrows.     156-5.     (PI.  7,  fig.  9.) 

nuc  in  te  le,  I  will  look.    165-4.     (PI.  27,  fig.  3.) 

be  nac  ^ai^  te  le,  I  will  try  again.     139-1.     (PI.  27,  fig.  4.) 

gul  16s  te  le,  he  will  bring  it.     (PI.  32,  fig.  9.) 

ce  dun  te  le,  I  will  die.     177-5.     (PI.  38,  fig.  9.) 

nanduLteL,  are  you  going  home?    120-13. 

na  h6  tun  n%c  teL,  will  you  move?     140-8. 

nul  lin  teL  bun,  will  flow  for.    89-5. 

uLtcitel,  you  will  make.    139-10. 

nahundacteL,  will  you  go  back?     137-9. 

na  hue  dq.c  te  le,  I  will  go  back.     117-18. 

-ut,  -hut,  when,  because.  This  sufiSx  subordinates  the  verb 
to  which  it  is  attached  either  as  to  time  or  cause  as  the  context 
may  require.  It  is  confined  in  its  use  to  the  past.  The  suffix 
usually  takes  over  as  the  initial  of  its  syllable  the  final  consonant 
of  the  stem.  An  h  may  be  the  final  aspiration  of  the  preceding 
stem. 

uL  gul  lut,  it  was  evening  when.     105-6. 

yai  nuL  ti  nut,  they  brought  it  when.     128-16. 

ya^  gul  k'a  sit,  he  threw  up  when.    154-11. 

yiL  t'6  gut,  stuck  him  when.     156-1. 

Lun  tes  ya  hut,  they  came  together  when.     148-9. 

na  nun  La  gut,  he  jumped  across  when.     147-7. 

6  dji  tc'us  tuk  ut,  he  killed  because.     157-7. 

w^nnileget,  I  swam  to  because.     175-5. 

naL  cul  ut,  it  was  wet  because.     126-11. 

nas  li^  nut,  he  was  tied  because.    146-5. 

te  si  ya  hfit,  I  went  because.    118-5. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  83 

Temporal 

-dec,  when,  if.  This  suffix  is  used  of  events  in  the  future, 
whether  certain  to  occur  or  not,  fixing  the  time  of  another  act  or 
event."^ 

o  dji  SOL  tuk  de^,  you  kill  it  if.    177-5. 

wun  kw  nuk  de^,  you  tell  about  when.     176-2. 

naL  kut  de^,  you  come  back  if.    117-18. 

na  nuL  gaL  de^,  when  you  put  across.     153-11. 

na  he  sun  t  ya  de^,  if  you  go  back.    137-10. 

ts'us  qot  de^,  if  he  spears  it.    128-9. 

tc'nun  ya  de^,  if  he  comes.     142-11. 

guL  gel^  de^,  night  when.     97-10. 

gun  do^  de*,  is  gone  if,     140-2. 

ko  wun  tun  de^,  it  is  cold  when,     172-15, 

ko  te'  gul  ^uts  de^,  when  she  runs  down,     153-11, 

-un  expresses  a  contingency  as  less  certain  than  -de«. 
uc  te  li^  un,  I  might  be  cold(  ?),    133-8. 
wun  toL  guc  un,  might  be  frightened.     99-15. 
nadntele'un,  may  come.     133-9. 
totbuLun,  it  may  rain.    168-6, 

Cf ,  na  n5  tc'uL  ke^  u  len^,  he  might  track  us.     138-10. 
ta  nan  o  da  u  len^,  he  might  come  again,    135-8, 

-kwa«  denotes  the  continuance  of  the  act  until  a  stated  time.*^* 
na  hue  ga  kwa^,  I  am  untying  yet,     123-10. 
te'n  nun  dac  kwa*,  he  danced  until,     130-15 

-1,  -L  suffixed  to  the  syllable  of  stem  is  used  for  acts  or  con- 
ditions that  are  continuous  in  time  or  place, 
gun  yaL,  walk.     104-13. 
t  gun  niL,  it  kept  hooting.     179-7. 
tce'gullaL,i79  he  cried  along.     145-5. 

-c  is  used  of  continuous  or  often  repeated  acts.  It  is  also 
found  in  the  imperative  of  many  verbs  without  its  meaning  being 
clearly  manifest. 

ta  cac,  I  went.    182-17. 

tun  yac,  you  go.     78-13. 

tfimmic,  swim.    118-16. 

-bi«,  in.  This  suffix  common  with  nouns  occurs  with  verbs 
with  the  sense  of  when. 

tea  kwuL  geV  bi*^,  very  dark  in.    179-8. 
tea  kwuL  geV  bi^  un^,  very  dark  in.    179-7. 

"Tin,  321. 

178  Cf .  Hupa  -fix,  -X,  III,  304. 

i7»  The  stem  is  tee' ,  therefore  -gul  laL  is  an  extended  form  or  a 
compound  suffix. 


84  University  of  California  Puhlications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

-un  is  used  in  asking  a  question  to  be  answered  by  yes  or  no. 
w^n  ^^e  M,  did  you  give?    137-8. 
nan  t  ya  un  kw%n,  have  you  come  back?    132-14. 
tc'un  yan  un  kw^n,  you  have  eaten?     138-3. 

-kwan  hut,  two  of  the  suffixes  presented  above,  when  com- 
bined make  a  relative  temporal  reference  to  the  completion  of 
the  act. 

nas  lin  fit  kw%n  hut,  it  was  again  because.     107-6. 

tc'is  tcin  kw^n  hut,  he  had  made  when.     120-1. 

tc'oL  yi  kw%n  hut,  he  had  named  when.     117-12. 

tc'us  t'a  kw^n  hut,  he  had  feathered  when.     116-12. 

ke  noL  get  kwan  hut,  because  you  were  afraid.     123-12. 

TENSES  AND  MODES 
In  addition  to  temporal  and  modal  variations  expressed  by 
means  of  prefixes  and  suffixes  discussed  above  there  are  two  forms 
of  the  completed  verb  resulting  in  part  from  accent  which  have 
different  temporal  modal  force  associated  with  them.  The  present 
indefinite  is  usually  the  shorter  of  the  two  forms  and  is  used 
mostly  for  the  imperative,  for  intended  or  proposed  action  in 
the  first  person,  and  in  negative  statements.  It  might  be  dis- 
tinguished as  the  non-indicative.  The  subject  prefix  of  the  first 
person  singular  is  c,  the  second  modals  are  usually  absent,  and 
the  weaker  form  of  the  stem  is  usually  found. 

The  definite  tense  is  usually  indicative  in  mode,  referring  to 
an  act  or  state  as  existing  at  a  definite  time,  usually  past.  It  is 
distinguished  by  i  as  the  subjective  prefix  in  the  first  person 
singular,  by  the  presence  of  one  of  the  second  modal  prefixes,  and 
by  the  stronger  form  of  the  stem.  The  glottal  stop  is  so  fre- 
quently found  as  the  final  element  of  the  stem  that  it  seems 
plausible  that  it  is  a  morphological  or  phonetic  characteristic  of 
this  form. 

Present  Indefinite  Past  Definite 

6c  l^n^,  I  will  get.    137-2.     (PI.  on  gi  la  ne,  I  brought.     137-1. 

24,  fig.  11.) 
nac  be,  let  me  swim.  ni  bi  ne,  I  swam.     118-17. 

co^  6c  le',  I  will  fix  it.    77-3.  c6^  gi  la  oe,  I  am  fixing  it.    76- 

12. 
tucca^,  I  am  going.     161-1.  te  si  yai,  I  went.     120-17. 

ta  tc'  6'buL,  prepare  mush  (imp.  ta  te  s6'bil^,  have  you  cooked? 

plu.).     123-13.     (PI.  37,  fig.  169-14. 

6.) 
t6t  buL,  let  it  rain.     80-12.  tet  bil«^,  it  rained.     81-1.     (PI. 

36,  fig.  13.) 
to  gfic  bfifi,  let  him  carry.  140-1.  tes  gin,  he  carried.     101-11. 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  85 

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86  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.  [Vol.  11 

INTEEPEETATION  OF  TRACINGS 

Plates  3  and  4  have  nasal  tracings  for  the  upper  line.  These 
are  made  as  follows :  a  glass  bulb  open  at  each  end  is  inserted  in 
one  nostril,  from  the  outer  end  of  which  a  rubber  tube  passes 
to  a  tambour  having  a  rubber  membrane  rather  tightly  stretched. 
To  this  rubber  membrane  a  straw  lever  ending  in  a  horn  tracing 
point  is  attached.  As  long  as  the  posterior  orifices  of  the  nostrils 
are  closed  by  the  velum  the  line  will  be  straight,  but  as  soon  as 
the  velum  falls  the  tracing  point  rises.  The  tracings  show  that 
the  vibrations  are  recorded  both  in  the  nasal  consonants  and 
nasalized  vowels,  when  the  breath  passes  through  the  nose,  and 
in  the  pure  vowels,  when  the  nasal  passage  is  closed.  In  the 
latter  case  the  vibrations  must  be  transmitted  through  the  soft 
and  hard  palate. 

In  plates  1,  2,  and  5-11  the  upper  line  is  from  the  larynx.  A 
metal  tube  ends  in  a  cup-shaped  termination  over  which  a  sheet 
of  thin  rubber  is  stretched.  This  is  applied  to  one  side  or  the 
front  of  the  larynx.  In  these  tracings  the  attachment  was  in 
most  cases  to  the  front  near  the  notch  of  the  Adam's  apple.  The 
subject's  neck  was  soft  and  flabby,  the  larynx  projecting  but 
slightly.  The  connection  and  tambour  were  the  same  as  those 
used  for  nasal  tracings. 

In  both  cases  the  points  of  the  tracing  levers  were  so  adjusted 
that  vertical  lines  drawn  with  the  instrument  cut  the  two  trac- 
ings at  synchronous  points.  The  error  due  to  irregularities  of 
the  drum  does  not  exceed  a  millimeter  (about  .02  second). 

The  lower  line  in  the  above  mentioned  plates  and  the  tracings 
in  the  remainder  of  the  plates  are  made  by  the  air  column  of 
the  breath  taken  from  the  lips  by  a  metal  mouthpiece  fitting 
closely  and  transmitted  by  a  small  rubber  tube  to  a  Marey  tam- 
bour. All  the  tracings  were,  with  one  or  two  exceptions,  made 
with  the  same  tambour  with  no  material  change  in  its  adjustment. 

Vowels  and  semi-vowels  result  in  more  or  less  elevation  of  the 
tracing  point  which  inscribes  the  vibrations;  these  are  in  most 
cases  the  fundamentals  not  the  partials  of  the  sounds.  The  liquid 
1  has  vibrations  similar  to  those  of  the  vowels,  but  usually  shows 
one  or  more  deep  notches  at  its  beginning.  The  nasals  result  in 
straight  horizontal  lines  at  the  lowest  level,  since  no  breath  issues 


1912]  Goddard:  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language  87 

from  the  mouth  during  the  articulation.  The  spirants  are  smooth 
upward  curves  showing  only  the  varying  strength  of  the  air- 
column,  which  is  controlled  by  the  size  of  the  opening  of  the 
mouth  passage  and  the  lung  pressure.  The  instrument  is  not 
delicate  enough  to  record  the  agitation  of  the  air  produced  by 
the  rubbing  against  the  opening  which  gives  the  spirants  their 
characteristic  sounds. 

The  stops  are  shown  by  horizontal  lines  of  the  lowest  level 
during  the  period  of  closure,  and  by  nearly  or  quite  vertical 
lines  caused  by  the  sudden  release  of  air  at  the  moment  of 
explosion.  If  the  stop  be  a  sonant  the  point  immediately  falls 
and  traces  the  vibrations.  If  an  aspirated  surd  is  spoken  the 
point  continues  to  rise  or  falls  slowly  without  marking  regular 
vibrations.  If  the  stop  is  accompanied  by  glottal  action  the 
points  fall  sharply  to  or  below  the  level  marked  by  the  tracer 
during  the  closure,  the  vibrations  beginning  as  it  recovers  from 
this  descent. 

By  observing  the  points  where  the  vertical  lines  cut  the 
horizontal  ones  in  plates  1-11,  the  exact  beginning  and  end  of 
sonancy  and  nasalization  can  be  ascertained  as  regards  the  move- 
ments within  the  mouth  indicated  by  the  breath  tracing.  The 
straight  horizontal  line  is  drawn  mechanically  while  the  paper  is 
on  the  drum  and  constitutes  a  time  line  extremely  accurate,  with 
50  mm.  equal  to  one  second.  The  duration  of  words,  syllables, 
individual  sounds,  and  often  their  component  parts  may  be 
quickly  determined. 

Varying  elevations  of  the  tracings  of  the  same  sound  in  the 
same  word  indicate  changing  stress.  It  is  probable  that  vowels 
being  but  slightly  impeded  in  the  passage  through  the  mouth 
regardless  of  their  quality  show  stress.  The  amplitude  of  the 
vibrations  in  the  tracings  varies  with  both  stress  and  pitch,  since 
the  natural  period  of  the  membrane  and  lever  favors  a  certain 
rate  of  vibration  which  its  rendered  more  strongly.  The  pitch 
can  often  be  determined,  relatively  at  least,  by  counting  the 
number  of  vibrations  in  a  given  length  of  base  line. 

Little  can  be  determined  as  to  the  quality  of  the  vowels  by 
tracings  such  as  these. 

Transmitted  March  1,  1911. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  1 

LATERAL  SONANT  AND  SPIRANT 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 
Fig.  1. —  la^  nes,  raccoon.     112-5. 
Fig.  2. —  Fa  ei^,  buckeye.     94-6. 
Fig.  3. —  tc'  gul  kut,  he  swallowed.    109-7. 
Fig.  4. —  61%n,  you  get  (imp.),  133-14. 
Fig.  5. —  kowunsul,  it  was  becoming  hot.     172-14. 
Fig.  6. —  te'usli^,  he  caught  in  a  noose.     108-4. 

Fig.  7. ka  si  deV,  we  came  up.    141-2. 

Fig.  8. —  na  dil^,  sugar-pine.     89-17. 

Fig.  9. —  tc'n  neL  yil*,  she  eats  up.     180-9. 


[88] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  2 

LATERAL    SPIRANT 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 

Fig.  1. —  Lon  te  ge  nes,  ' '  rodent  ears  long, ' '  a  mouse. 

Fig.  2. —  naL  teos,  she  put  a  blanket.    180-7. 

Fig.  3.— naL^gi,  dog.     91-9. 

Fig.  4. —  tea  kwoL  gel^,  very  dark.     74-8. 

Fig.  5. —  tc'  qaL  ya^  ni,  he  was  walking  they  say.     93-12. 

Fig.  6. —  L^  guc,  rattlesnake.     91-17. 

Fig.  7. —  tc'  Loi  un  gi,  she  is  making  basket. 

Fig.  8. —  L6'  L  tso,  grass  blue.     76-6. 


[90] 


GC 

H 

■^^■^^■H 

tr" 

I 

^^^H 

Oi 

1 

^^^^^H 

CfJ 

1 

H 

Ci 

1 

■H 

1 

Hi 

EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  3 

NASALS 

Upper  line  from  bulb  in  nostril,  lower  line  breath. 

Fig.  1. —  et  ci  ne  kw^n  n^n,  it  had  turned  black.     94-7. 

Fig.  2. —  kwiiL  fin  ya*  ni,  they  told  him  they  say.     125-2. 

Fig.  3.—  n  dul  «in*,  let  us  look.    168-1. 

Fig.  4.—  6  te'^n*^,  to  him.    79-9. 

Fig.  5. —  naslin*,  he  became.    107-8. 

Fig.  6. —  nas  dul  lin  ne,  we  have  got  back.    95-12. 

Fig.  7. —  oLk'an,  make  a  fire  (plu.  imp.).    103-7. 


[92] 


1 

T 

■ 

a 

1 

1 

^ 

1 

1 

EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  4 

NASALS 

Upper  line  from  bulb  in  nostril,  lower  line  breath. 
Fig.  1. —  ya'  bi^  un*,  sky  in.     81-2. 
Fig.  2. —  wo^ntca',  teeth  large.    86-5. 
Fig.  3. —  n  gun  do^,  it  became  none.    76-12. 
Fig.  4. —  ya*n  ya^  ni,  they  said  they  say.     82-11. 
Fig.  5.— kw6n«,  fire.     81-3. 
Fig.  6. —  ca'na*,  creek.     79-3. 
Fig.  7. —  ne^iino*,  behind  the  hill.     164-16. 
Fig.  8.— k'ffif,  juneberry.    133-3. 
Fig.  9. —  watc'ami^,  hole  in.    156-12. 


[94] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  5 

SPIRANTS 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 

rig.  1. —  se,  stone.     71-3. 

Pig.  2. —  tc'  nes  tin,  he  lay  down.    175-11. 

Fig.  3. —  wos,  leg.    79-10. 

Fig.  4. —  ctci*,  my  heart.     101-5. 

Fig.  5.—  bee  ^aiS  I  will  try  it.    109-9. 

Fig.  6. —  tc'5g^c,  let  him  chew  it. 

rig.  7. —  hakw  dun*,  that  time.    71-2. 

rig.  8. —  nehinno'si*,  our  heads.     129-10. 

Fig.  9.— yoS  scoter (?),  a  bird.    122-6. 


[96] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  6 


LABIAL  STOP  AND  NASAL 


Upper  line  of  figs,  1-4,  7,  larynx,  of  figs.  5,  6,  8,  from  bulb  in  nostril, 
lower  line  breath. 

Fig.  1. —  beco'los,  take  me  up  (plu.),    147-6. 

Fig.  2. —  be  ne  siL  git  di,  I  am  afraid  of.    130-15. 

Fig.  3. —  t  boc,  it  is  round.     80-1. 

Fig.  4. —  da  bes  ya*,  he  climbed  up.    180-6. 

Fig.  5. —  main,  weasel.  74-2. 

Fig.  6.—  de  mun«,  it  is  full.    129-13. 

Fig.  7. —  bi^  sta,  he  was  sitting  in.    132-3. 

Fig.  8. —  tatc'iimmuL,  cook  mush  (imp.  sing.).     163-14. 


[98] 


I 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  7 

DENTAL   STOPS 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 
Fig.  1.— do,  not.     137-2. 

Fig.  2. —  de  t  gun  *^,  he  put  in  the  fire.  168-17. 
Fig.  3. —  da'  n  die  ge*,  I  will  pick  you  up.  141-4. 
Fig.  4. —  to,  water.     71-1. 

Fig.  5. —  te'  no  dug  ge^,  we  wiU  put  in  water.    139-9. 
Fig.  6. —  n5  tc'iin  to*,  water  came  so  far.     75-1. 
Fig.  7.— t'a%  feather.     105-14. 
Fig.  8.—  a  t'a,  her  blanket  fold.     181-9. 
Fig.  9. —  tc'ie  t'a  te  le,  I  will  feather  arrows.    156-5. 


[100] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  8 

SONANT  PALATAL   STOPS 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 

Fig.  1. —  guLtuk,  it  burst.     182-5. 

Fig.  2. —  tc't  te  gus  tci^,  it  was  about  to  dawn. 

Fig.  3.— Ltsogun,  fox.    73-3. 

Fig.  4. —  tue  ge^,  I  will  carry.    135-4. 

Fig.  5. —  na  wo'  nie,  you  (plu.)  played.    134-17. 

Fig.  6. —  uc  tci  Ge,  I  cried.  140-6. 

Fig.  7. —  qo,  worm. 

Fig.  8. —  tc'us  qot,  he  speared  it.     128-13. 

Fig.  9. —  kw  na  taG  ha*,  without  his  knowledge. 


[102] 


1 

5= 

^n^^^^^^^^^^^H 

1 

<rt; 

I 

p 

1 

V 

1 

EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  9 

SURD  PALATAL   STOPS 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 

Fig,  1. —  kaPa^,  it  sprang  up  (of  vegetation).     76-10. 

Fig.  2.— n^kka%  two.     178-4. 

Fig.  3. —  tc'g§kus,  a  boat  went.     126-7. 

Fig.  4. —  do  kwa  t'in,  he  never  did  that.     130-14. 

Fig.  5. —  kwrnLin*^,  he  looked  at  him.     134-2. 

Fig.  6.— k't  teL  tcot,  he  stole.     118-11. 

Fig.  7. —  gulk'an,  there  was  a  fire.     162-13. 

Fig.  8. —  t  k'an  yi  duk,  up  the  ridge.    99-3. 

Fig.  9. —  otcik'wut',  on  his  tail.     162-14. 


[104] 


I 


o 


1 

/ 

/ 

EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  10 

AFPBICATIVES 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 
Fig.  1. —  t^n  nas  djol^,  it  rolled  out  of  the  fire.     147-9. 
Fig.  2. —  kwDS,^  uL  tei,  make  him  live. 
Fig.  3. —  tc'gunyic,  he  broke  oflf.     79-12. 
Fig.  4.— tc'taLk'^sdja^,  let  him  drop.    129-8. 
Fig.  5. —  na  teul,  orphan.    102-6. 
Fig.  6. —  te'e  na  gut  dac,  he  came  out  again.    149-13. 
Fig.  7. —  ta'dji  nestin,  where  is  he  lying?     182-3. 
Fig.  8. —  naL  c5tc,  grass-snake.     84-5. 
Fig.  9.— ye<  tc' gun  yai,  he  went  in.     97-11;  132-13, 


[106] 


'/. 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  11 

MISCELLANEOtrS 

Upper  line  larynx,  lower  line  breath. 
Pig.  1. —  -wakwta,  one  side,  away  from. 
Fig.  2. —  k'in«,  juneberry.     133-3. 
Fig.  3. —  waLk'§.ts*,  he  put  in.     105-14. 
Fig.  4.— tV,  raw.     91-5. 
Fig.  5. —  c  but',  my  stomach. 
Fig.  6. —  seq5t',  a  headdress.    176-17. 
Fig.  7. —  setonai,  stone-fish  (sword-fish?).     86-1. 
Fig.  8.— tc'us  t'ok',  he  flaked.     156-7. 
Fig.  9. —  to  ne*  un*,  water  behind.     126-6. 


[108] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  12 

MONOSYLLABIC   NOUNS 

Fig.    1. —  a<,  clouds.     74-6. 

Fig.    2.— yaS  sky.    77-13. 

Fig.    3.— ya«,  louse.    152-5.- 

Fig.    4. —  yas,  snow.     74-3. 

Fig.    5. —  wos,  leg.    79-10. 

Fig,    6. —  Lok',  steel-head  salmon.    84-5. 

Fig.    7.—  Lut,  smoke.    141-2. 

Fig.    8.— L6S  herb.     71-3, 

Fig.    9.— se',  stone.     71-3. 

Fig,  10. —  slus,  ground-squirrel.     73-7. 

Fig.  11. —  ca< ,  sun.     74-9. 

Fig.  12. —  cek',  sputum.    154-14. 

Pig.  13.—  beL,  rope.    101-7. 

Fig.  14.—  biis,  slide  of  soil.     86-11. 

Fig.  15. —  to,  water.     71-1. 

Fig.  16. —  ges,  salmon.     84-3. 

Fig.  17. —  kos,  cough. 

Fig.  18. —  k'flc,  alder. 

Fig.  19.— k'wa',  f at,    83-15, 

Fig.  20.—  k'iin«,  hazel.    133-10. 


[110] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  13 

NOUNS  WITH  POSSESSIVE  PREFIXES 

Fig.    1.— at'a,  her  blanket  fold.     181-9. 

Fig.    2. —  u  t'a  ni,  her  dress.    165-6. 

Fig.    3. —  utca^,  her  apron.    165-8. 

Fig.    4. —  u  80^,  his  tongue.     110-3. 

Fig.    5. —  u  na^,  his  eye.     152-10. 

Fig.    6. —  u   ts'6^,  her  milk. 

Fig.    7. —  ii  suts,  its  hide.     110-4. 

Fig.    2. —  0  di  ce^,  its  shoulder.     75-1. 

Fig.    9.—  u  de^,  its  horn.    74-10. 

Fig.  10. —  nat,'  your  sister.     132-4. 

Fig.  11. —  c  tc  ge,  my  grandfather.     153-10. 

Fig.  12. —  c  ne^,  my  leg. 

Fig.  13. —  c  qot',  my  knee. 

Pig.  14. —  c  dji*,  my  heart. 

Fig.  15. —  steo,  my  grandmother.    97-16. 


[112] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  14 

NOUNS  WITH  POSSESSIVE  PREFIXES. 

Fig.    1. —  kwunt,  cousin.     145-2. 
Fig.    2. —  cun  di,  my  cousin.    145-3. 
Fig.    3. —  ba  ci,  his  nephew.     145-3. 
Fig.    4.— kw6«,  his  teeth.     181-8. 
Fig,    5. —  kw  tci*,  his  tail. 
Fig.    6.—  kactc,  knife.    110-10. 
Fig.    7.— kwda%  his  mouth.     123-2. 
Fig.    8.—  kw  kwe%  his  foot.     82-5. 
Fig,    9.— ski,  boy.     102-6. 
Fig.  10,—  skik,  children,     132-8. 
Fig.  11. —  c  tco  djiL,  my  kidney.     133-3. 
Fig.  12. —  kw  si*  da*,  his  crown,     79-4. 
Fig.  13. —  s  tcaitc,  my  grandchild.    97-16. 
Fig.  14. —  g^c  tco,  redwood,    86-8. 
Fig.  15. —  ges  tco,  elk.     71-5. 
Fig.  16. —  ducte,  quail.     72-5. 


[114] 


I 


o 


Bancroft  Library 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  15 

NOUNS  WITH  SUFFIXES 

Fig.    1.— yictc,  wolf.    71-6. 

Fig.    2. —  t  kocts,  chestnut.     89-8. 

Fig.    3. —  t  kac  tco,  pelican.     72-13. 

Fig.    4. —  yi  tc5,  dance  house.     83-11. 

Fig.    5. —  ts'unteL,  turtle  (bone  broad).     90-14. 

Fig.    6. —  tcun  ta%  among  trees.     171-9. 

Fig.    7. —  ode^Lgai,  its  horn  white.     161-16. 

Fig.    8. —  ya^  l  gai,  louse  white. 

Fig.    9. —  tcilgaitc,  tail  white.     138-12. 

Fig.  10. —  ges  L  cun*,  salmon  black.     86-2. 

Fig.  11. —  naLcik,  eye  shining.     181-9. 

Fig.  12. —  cic  bi^,  red  earth  in   (a  mountain).     102-15. 

Fig.  13. —  ye'  bi^  un,  house  in.     110-15. 

Fig.  14. —  ye'  bik,  house  inside.     99-5. 

Fig.  15. —  ya'  bik,  sky  inside.    101-15. 

Fig.  16.— butsk'ai^,  seagull.     122-6. 


[116] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  16 

NOUNS  WITH  SUFFIXES 

ng.    1, —  yi'tukgut,  house  middle.     142-13. 

Fig.    2. —  gat  tc5^,  barnacle. 

Fig,    3. —  se  tcits,  stone  rough  (sand-stone).     77-9. 

Fig.    4. —  ne*  L^ut,  world  middle.     75-3. 

Fig.    5. —  LUC  t  tco,  rotten  log.     134-15. 

Fig.    6. —  cin  hut,  summer  time.     155-1. 

Fig.    7. —  ta  L^ut,  ocean  middle.     126-8. 

Fig.    8. —  wa  tc'an,  hole.     78-8. 

Fig.    9. —  nun  ye'  taG,  ground  under  is  found  (bulbs).    148- 

Fig.  10.— nal  tc'ul,  white  thorn.     91-14. 

Fig.  11. —  naL  gi,  dog.    91-9. 

Fig.  12.—  L  tac,  black  oak.    89-17. 

Fig.  13. —  na  nee,  people.     71-7. 

Fig.  14. —  sek'at',  grinding  stone.     137-16. 

Fig.  15. —  non  k  teun,  pounded  seeds.    94-4. 


[118] 


o 


Bancroft  I  ihrarv 


EXPLANATIOIJ  OF  PLATE  17 

POLYSYLLABIC   NOUNS 

Fig.    1.—  i  da'  kw,  Wailaki  or  Yuki.     170-9. 

Fig.    2.— na«cokV,  robin.     72-9. 

Fig.    3. —  seL  tc'6  i,  heron.     72-4. 

Fig.    4. —  ca'  na^,  stream  79-3. 

Fig.    5. —  ban  to^,  ocean.     86-10, 

Fig.    6. —  cac  dun,  bear  clover.     94-9. 

Fig.    7.— belin,  eel.    90-15. 

Fig.    8. —  ban  teo,  mussel.     84-13. 

Fig.    9. —  bus  buntc,  an  owl.    92-8. 

Fig.  10.—  bel  get,  fish  spear.    133-8. 

Fig.  11.— bel  kats,  pole  of  fish-spear.     128-12. 

Fig.  12.—  bus  tc  15,  owl.     72-2. 

Fig.  13. —  tun  ni,  road.     78-4. 

Fig.  14. —  da  tcants,  crow.    72-15. 

Fig.  15.—  t'e  ki,  girls,    111-2. 


[120] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  18 

POLYSYLLABIC   NOUNS 

Fig.    1.—  te  le%  sack.     113-7. 

Fig.    2.—  te'a  la,  sun-flower.    138-6, 

Fig.    3.— tc'ah^l,  frog.     112-11. 

Fig.    4. —  tcunte'baG,  a  bird.     72-11. 

Fig.    5.—  tc'  kak',  net.     84-8. 

Fig.    6. —  tcob^G,  poison.     163-7. 

Fig.    7. —  go  ya  ne^,  stars.     74-7. 

Fig.    8. —  k^ckits,  old  man.     108-2. 

Fig.    9. —  tc'  si  tcufi,  coyote.     72-1. 

Fig.  10. —  kwi  yint,  pigeon.    73-12. 

Kg.  11. —  k'un  ta  gits,  jackrabbit.     73-6. 

Fig.  12. —  Ltsogun,  fox.     73-3. 

Fig.  13. —  s  taitc,  cotton-tail  rabbit.    155-12. 

Fig.  14. —  yiskan,    day.     100-12. 

Fig.  15.— yis  t'ot',  f og.     126-2. 


[122] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  19 

NOUNS  OF  VERBAL  ORIGIN 

rig.    1. —  na  deLtc,  a  small  pine.     88-11. 

Fig.    2. —  buL  gul  giis,  fire-sticks.    110-11. 

Fig.    3. —  ba  na  t*ai,  post  of  dance-house.     130-17. 

Fig.    4. —  tbuL,  burden  basket.     179-11. 

Fig.    5.—  dul  kuts,  fawn.     108-9. 

Fig.    6. —  ts'us  no*,  mountain.    71-2. 

Fig.    7. —  te'n  naL  dun,  adolescent  girl.     109-9. 

Fig.    8.—  tc'  ga  ts'e=,  twine.    116-10. 

Fig.    9. —  teaL  ni,  mountain  robin.     72-4. 

Fig.  10.—  tc'  ga< ,  basket-pan.     113-10. 

Fig.  11.—  tc'  woe  tce«,  foam.    85-3. 

Fig.  12. —  kwun  teL  bi*,  valley.     1 74-9. 

Fig.  13. —  teun  nuL  tcuntc,  Lewis '  woodpecker.    72-8. 

Fig.  14. —  be  daiL  tcik  tco,  a  woodpecker,  "its  head  red  large." 


[124] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  20 

POLYSYLLABIC   NOUNS 

Fig.    1.—  6  tci'  k'wftt',  its  tail  on.    162-14. 

Fig.    2. —  L5n  L  gai,  wood-rat,  "  rodent  white. "    73-9. 

Fig.    3. —  yai  in  tafi^,  mole.     96-6. 

Fig.    4. —  Lo'  n^ai,  grass  game.     146-11. 

Fig.    5. —  ne^  dul  bai,  a  pine.     86-13. 

Fig.    6. —  yo^  tcil '^in,  abalone.    124-17. 

Fig.    7. —  ts'e k'e neets,  day  eel,  "navel  long."    91-2. 

Fig.    8. —  to  but  tco,  water-panther.     177-13. 

Fig.    9. —  ne*  te  li*,  earthquake. 

Fig.  10.—  tak',  three.    101-4. 

Fig.  11. —  kwe^ntelts,  black-crowned  night  heron,  "foot  broad. 

Fig.  12.—  to  nai  L  tso,  blue  cat-fish ( ?),  " fish  blue. ' '    124-15. 

Fig.  13. —  yi  ban  n^k  ka^,  seven,  * '  beyond  two. ' '     166-1. 

Fig.  14. —  yo  yi  nuk',  way  south.    75-6. 

Fig.  15.—  di  nuk',  south.     75-6. 


[126] 


Ranrroft    L  ibrafy 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  21 

ADVERBS,  PAETICLES,  ETC. 

Pig.    1. —  e  he*,  so  it  is.    173-14. 

Fig.    2. —  6ye%  under  it.     101-6. 

Fig.    3. —  6  lai*,  its  top,  on  it.     103-13. 

Fig.    4. —  0  dai*,  outside.     98-4. 

Fig.    5. —  yo  yi  de^,  way  north.    77-1. 

Fig.    6. —  yi,  right  here. 

Fig.    7. —  yo  5n,  over  there,  further.    127-14. 

Fig.    8. —  yiban,  other  side.    133-4. 

Fig.    9. —  Lba*^unha^,  both  sides.     75-7. 

Fig,  10.—  Le  ne  ha^,  all.    83-4. 

Fig.  11. —  Lta<  ki,  different  kinds.     83-1. 

Fig.  12. —  nun  kwi  ye,  underground.    75-8. 

Fig.  13.—  nikts,  slowly.     140-16. 

Fig.  14.—  he  u«,  yes.    82-2. 

Fig.  15. —  ha  yi,  those  people.    171-19. 


[128] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  22 

PKONOUNS,  ADVERBS,  ETC. 

Fig.    1. —  ca  tc'on  ge  Ian,  he  got  for  me. 

Fig.    2. —  ei  ye*  ye' ,  my  house.    141-6. 

Fig.    3.— conk  kwa*  laG,  he  did  well.    104-6;  154-5. 

Fig.    4. —  ta  din  dji,  what  for? 

Fig.    5.—  di,  this.    74-9. 

Fig.    6. —  da  sits,  soon.    136-5. 

Fig.    7.— ta'dji,  where?     182-3. 

Fig.    8.— do,  not.     79-4. 

Fig.    9. —  to  6  tcifi  a,  water  in  front  of.    77-7. 

Fig.  10. —  kae  bi^,  tomorrow.    104-9. 

Fig.  11. —  k'un  dit',  some  days  ago.     137-5. 

Fig.  12. —  kun  duntc,  close  by.     79-6. 

Fig.  13. —  k'un  dun,  yesterday.    128-7. 

Fig.  14.—  k'%t  de*,  soon.    96-4. 

Fig.  15. —  kwun  L%n,  enough.     77-8. 


[130] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  23 

PREFIXES  OF  VERBS 

Fig.    1. —  ya^  guL  gal,  he  threw  up.    142-3. 

Fig.    2. —  ye'  tc'  gun  yai,  he  went  in.    132-13. 

Fig.    3. —  wa^  un  k%n,  she  gave  him.     129-4. 

Fig.    4. —  wa  nun  tci  bun,  it  will  blow  through.    80-14. 

Fig.    5. —  Le  ges  ^a.^,  it  was  encircling.    82-15. 

Fig.    6. —  na  nun  dac,  come  down. 

Fig,    7. —  na  ca^,  I  go  about.    133-6. 

Fig.    8. —  nai  ^ai  bun,  it  will  be  across. 

Fig.    9.—  na  des  hn^,  he  spilled.    123-2. 

Fig.  10. —  nun  s'us  duk  k'e^,  he  got  up.    98-5. 

Fig.  11. —  no  ga  ^^c,  he  put  along.    86-11. 

Fig.  12. —  beniLke^e,  I  have  finished.     82-15. 

Fig.  13. —  be  duL,  let  us  climb. 

Fig.  14. —  da'  bes  ya*,  he  climbed  up.    180-6. 

Fig.  15. —  de  dun  *qc,  you  put  on  the  fire.     131-9. 


[132] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  24 

PREFIXES  OF  VERBS 

Fig.    1. —  ta  tc'dbuL,  make  soup  (plu.).    123-13. 

Fig.    2. —  ta  gut  t'ats,  they  butchered.     175-4. 

Fig.    3. —  te'  no  dug  ge^,  we  will  put  in  water.    139-9. 

Fig.    4. —  tc'e  nun  yac,  come  out. 

Fig.    5. —  dje^  guL  tcel,  she  split  open.     129-3. 

Fig.    6. —  kwa  n5'  te,  look  for  it.    164-11. 

Fig.    7. —  ka  nac,  it  came  up.    81-2. 

Fig.    8. —  kwunye'  gullat,  it  sank.     174-12. 

Fig.    9. —  kwut  tc' gun  yai,  he  went  down.    116-5. 

Fig.  10. —  nesoLy^n,  you  (plu.)  ate  up.     136-16. 

Fig.  11.—  6c  l^n^  I  will  get.    137-2. 

Fig.  12. —  na  die  tea,  let  me  eat  a  meal. 

Fig.  13. —  do  ko  gis  in,  one  couldn't  see.    81-1. 

Fig.  14. —  tc't  teL  ban,  he  walked  lame.    133-6. 

Fig.  15, —  di  kwa*L  sin,  he  did  this  way.     79-12. 


[134] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  25 

VERBAL  PREFIXES,  SUBJECTIVES  AND  OBJECTIVES 

Pig.    1. —  no^  cuL  gaL,  throw  me.    133-4. 

Pig.    2. —  ne  ^5  dun,  you  will  die.     177-4. 

Pig.    3. —  ya^  tc'  kw  neL  in^,  they  saw  him. 

Pig.    4. —  tc'eno'  nun  a  ne,  he  killed  us.    117-6. 

Pig.    5. —  na  tc'o' L6,  set  snares  (plu.  imp.).     108-2. 

Fig.    6. —  tc'  nun  yai,  he  came  there.    142-14. 

Pig.    7. —  si  yi  ne,  I  stand. 

Pig.    8. —  gun  nes,  it  became  long.    87-1. 

Fig.    9.—  gut  tc'an*,  he  shot.    110-13. 

Fig.  10. —  guL  teat,  he  shouted.    165-9. 

Pig.  11. —  ka^  duttca^,  well,  let  us  bury.    149-7. 

Pig.  12. —  tc'n  ne  guL  *in,  he  looked  at  it.    156-16. 

Pig.  13.—  0'  t  guc,  look  at  them.    164-9. 

Pig.  14.—  te'  kun  nee,  he  talked.    160-1. 


[136J 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  26 

VEBBAL   SUFFIXES 

Fig.  1. —  nin  y^n  kw^u  un  gi,  it  has  cleared  off.     168-1. 

Fig.  2, —  tc'  sin  un  gi,  he  is  standing. 

Fig.  3. —  nun  yiL  t'6  gut,  when  he  stung,    156-15. 

Fig.  4. —  tc'gunaP  ya=  ni,  he  chewed  it  they  say.     109-7. 

Fig.  5.—  tc'  kwL  lo  ^ut,  when  he  fooled  them.     136-14. 

Fig,  6. —  tc'  nun  ya  hut,  when  he  came. 

Fig.  7. —  do  dul  sus  he,  we  did  not  see.    116-18. 

Fig,  8. —  na  te  guL  ^^l,  he  stood  them  up  along,     88-13, 

Fig,  9. —  k%l  ^ai  bun,  it  will  grow  up,     84-11. 

Fig,  10,—  L  k'a'  bun  dja^,  let  it  be  fat.    85-14. 


[138] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  27 

SUFFIXES  OF  VERBS 

Fig.  1. —  nin  yan  de^,  when  it  cleared  off.     167-17. 

Fig.  2. —  kwun  teL  te  lit,  it  was  becoming  flat.    107-3. 

Fig.  3.—  nuc  m«  te  le,  I  will  look.     165-4. 

Fig.  4. —  be  nac  *ai^  te  le,  I  will  try  it  again.    139-1. 

Fig.  5. —  kuena^  dja*,  I  want  to  live.    171-7. 

Fig.  6. —  tc'oL  tci  dja^,  let  him  make.     140-2. 

Fig.  7. —  ka  guL  ^%L  kwafi,  they  had  sprung  up  along.     87-13. 

Fig.  8. —  tc'  teL  biiL  kw^n,  he  had  hung  up.    176-3. 

Fig.  9. —  nes  ya  ne  kwa  n%n,  they  were  ripe.     94-4. 

Fig.  10. —  n  he  ol  ka  kwic,  we  will  spend  the  night  probably.     105-3. 


[140] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  28 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  nqn  dul  *a*,  let  us  make  a  dam.     163-11. 

Fig.    2. —  na  t  guL  ^a^,  he  stood  it  up.     76-6. 

Fig.    3. —  na  nun  *ai,  a  fish-weir.     133-9. 

Fig.    4. —  di  'un  es  '^a^,  up  there  in  a  row.    109-10. 

Fig.    5. —  be  yaL  ^ai^,  they  tried  it.     85-2. 

Fig.    6. —  ye'   s'^a  ne,  house  stands.     141-5. 

Fig.    7. —  no'^ac  no  hin,  put,  you   (plu.).     110-11. 

Fig.    8. —  no'  ^ilbun,  you  must  stay  (plu.).    105-2. 

Fig.    9.— tc' nun  «il%  they  sat  down.     170-8. 

Fig.  10. —  nue  *i  ne,  I  saw  it.    137-1. 

Fig.  11.— n  dul  «in«,  let  us  look.     168-1. 

Fig.  12. —  kw^c  ^i  ne,  I  always  do  that. 

Fig.  13. —  no  hin  kwa'Lin'^,  you  (plu.)  do  that.    113-4. 


[142] 


f3o  Ftt^»'r\-f+      I     \V\r■nf^J 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  29 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.  1. —  nas  ^uts,  he  ran  about.  134-3. 

Eig.  2. —  tc'  tes  yai,  he  went.  116-9. 

Eig.    3, —  k'  g§  ^uts,  he  was  shooting  along.     144-10. 

Eig.    4. —  Lun  tes  yai,  they  came  together. 

Eig.    5. —  ca  k'en  yai,  sun  went  down. 

Eig.    6. —  niyaye,  I  came  there.     136-17. 

Eig.    7. —  egiyal,  I  am  sleepy.     164-4. 

Eig.    8. —  tc'  nun  ya  ya^  ni,  he  came  there  they  say.     101-10. 

Eig.    9. —  tc'  gun  yan*,  he  ate  of  it.     129-5. 

Eig.  10. —  tc'6'  y^n,  you  (plu.)  eat.     148-6. 

Eig.  11. —  tc'gunyaL,  walk  (sing.  imp.). 

Eig.  12. —  nonunyin,  they  were  living.     160-12. 

Eig.  13. —  tc'uny^,  you  eat  (sing.  imp.).     125-7. 

Eig.  14. —  tc'tdenneF,  he  stopped  crying.     148-4. 


[144] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  30 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  do  s  dji^  kw  ya  ne,  I  do  not  like  him.     136-13. 

Fig.    2. — do  ha^  ka  non  t  y^n,  do  not  be  ashamed.     141-8. 

Fig,    3. —  buL  tc'  gut  yin,  he  doctored. 

Fig.    4. —  na^  gis  yitc,  he  rested,     161-4. 

Fig.    5. —  na  dul  yic,  let  us  rest,    140-18. 

Fig,    6. —  wun  guttyac,  some  become  old.     107-11. 

Fig.    7. —  kwoLyie,  he  whistled. 

Fig,    8. —  ucyit,  I  will  make  a  house.     168-6, 

Fig.    9. —  s'usyi^,  he  made  a  house.     168-7, 

Fig.  10. —  gulyi^  ya^  ni,  he  built  a  house  they  say.     83-11, 

Fig.  11. —  tc'nnoLyoL,  let  it  blow,     80-13. 

Fig.  12. —  tcummeLyits,  a  stick  he  tied.     169-5. 

Fig.  13, —  kwun  tin  yot,  they  ran  after  him. 


[146] 


EXPLANATION  OP  PLATE  31 

VERBAL  STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  ka  na  gul  l^c,  she  digs  out. 

Fig.    2. —  (u)  na^  tc'e  na  lai,  her  eye  she  took  out,     152-9. 

Fig.    3. —  kwai^  la*  ya*  ni,  he  did  it  they  say. 

Fig.    4. —  di  kwa*  laG,  he  did  this  way.    154-5. 

Fig.    5. —  CO*  gi  la  Ge,  I  fixed  it  good.     76-12. 

Fig.    6. —  bel  get  k'wunno'l^e,  spearpoint  put  it  on  (pi.  imp.).  133- 

Fig.    7. —  k'wun ndliac,  put  it  on  (sing.  imp.). 

Fig.    8. —  n  to  l^L,  let  him  sleep. 

Fig.    9. —  CO*  6c  le' ,  I  will  fix  good.     77-3. 

Fig.  10. —  nteslaL  ya*  ni,  he  went  to  sleep  they  say.     83-4. 

Fig.  11. —  nohin  nto'l^L,  you  (plu.)  go  to  sleep.    110-16. 


[148] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  32 

VERBAL   STEMS 

rig.    1.— tc'elle*,  he  sang.     149-11. 

Fig,    2. —  nagulleG,  fish  were  swimming  down.     128-12. 

Fig,    3. —  s'uslin^,  he  became.     84-11. 

Fig.    4. —  te'e  gul  le^,  he  commenced  singing.     105-11. 

Fig.    5, —  ka  ko  si  le,  I  am  sick. 

Fig.    6. —  nas  li^,  he  tied  up.    145-7. 

Fig.    7. —  te'us  li^,  he  caught  in  a  noose.     108-4. 

Fig.    8. —  gullut,  it  was  burning.     173-16. 

Fig.    9. —  gul  16s  te  le,  you  will  bring.     136-5. 

Fig.  10. —  tc'ttelos,  pulled  repeatedly.    175-2. 

Fig.  11. —  w^ntc'koluk,  he  told  about  it.     161-18. 

Fig.  12.—  tal  Ions,  soft.    179-12. 

Fig.  13. —  kwul  luc  un  gi,  it  looks  like.    170-14. 


[150] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  33 

VERBAL    STEMS 

rig.    1. —  tc'  geL  na^,  he  roasted. 

Pig.    2.— becna^,  I  will  roast.     168-16. 

Fig.    3. —  kiic  na^,  I  want  to  live.    182-5. 

Fig,    4. —  nacoLnabufi,  you  must  examine  me.     166-10. 

Fig.    5. —  ta  ya^  5  n^,  let  them  drink.     123-6. 

Fig.    6. —  tc't  tug  gun  ni,  it  makes  a  noise. 

Fig.    7. —  tc't  tug  gun  ni,  it  thundered.     77-10. 

Fig.    8. —  ka  gun  n^c,  he  came  up.     75-2. 

Fig.    9.— heii^  tc'nni,  yes  he  said.     82-2;  102-8. 

Fig.  10. —  gun  L^n,  became  many.     83-14. 

Fig.  11. —  gun  La  ne,  have  become  many.     169-10. 


[152] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  34 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1, —  bi no' Le',  soak  them  (imp.  plu.).    110-6. 

Fig.    2. —  bi  no  guL  Lek,  they  soaked  them.     179-1. 

Fig.    3. —  nanunLat,  jump  across,     (imp.  sing.). 

Fig.    4. —  tc'e  nan  La,  he  ran  out.     142-6. 

Fig.    5. —  n  Luts,  it  is  stout.     78-12. 

Fig.    6. —  tc'uL  ts^n,  he  found.    97-4. 

Fig.    7. —  (do  ha^)  tc'uL  tsa  ne,  he  did  not  find. 

Fig.    8. —  guLtsai,  it  was  dry.     123-4. 

Fig.    9. —  do  gul  san,  it  was  never  found.     179-6. 

Fig.  10. —  nuns^t,  sit  down  (sing.  imp.).     140-18. 

Fig.  11. —  kwun  sat,  deep  water.     74-10. 


[154] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  35 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig,    1. —  ne  sil,  I  am  sweaty. 

Fig.    2.— dultso,  blue.     113-13. 

Fig.    3. —  be  no'  sun,  you  hide  (plu.  imp.).     113-4. 

Fig.    4. —  tc'teLsun,  he  hung  up.     176-13. 

Fig,    5. —  do  kw  ne  sun,  I  was  insensible.    182-17. 

Fig.    6. —  t^t  dul  sus,  we  dragged  out. 

Fig.    7. —  tc'  gun  sut,  he  pounded  up.     80-5. 

Fig.    8.—  fls  sut,  I  will  pound.    110-3. 

Fig.    9. —  k' gun  sut,  she  pounded.     135-9. 

Fig.  10.—  na  ca^,  I  go  about.     133-6. 

Fig.  11. —  tc'guncai,  she  buried  in  ashes.     129-2. 

Fig.  12. —  k'wut  tc'e  ya  ce' ,  they  spit  on.     154-14. 

Fig.  13.—  ka  tc'  guc  ci%  they  dug.    148-11. 

Fig.  14. —  ka  tc'  gun  ci^,  they  were  digging.     148-8. 


[156] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  36 

VEEBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  n  eon  ne,  it  is  good.     77-4. 

Fig.    2.— nLcun«,  black.     86-2, 

Fig.    3. —  guL  cun^,  it  smells  good. 

Fig.    4. —  kwa  gut  tcut',  they  fed  her.    151-15. 

Fig.    5. —  do  naL  ban  ne,  he  was  not  lame.    134-5. 

Fig.    6. —  do  yi  he^  e,  I  am  tired.     98-1. 

Fig.    7. —  nin  don  he^  un,  are  you  tired  (sing.).     141-1. 

Fig.    8. —  d5yidehe^e,  we  are  tired.     116-17. 

Fig.    9. —  no  hin  na'be,  swim  (plu.  imp.).     111-2. 

Fig.  10. —  ya*  tc'  be,  they  were  picking. 

Fig.  11.—  t  boe,  round.    80-1. 

Fig.  12. —  conk  tut  bul,  well  it  rains.     74-4. 

Fig.  13.—  te  t  biP,  it  rained.     81-1. 


[158] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  37 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Eig.    1.— demun*   (dinbun=),  it  was  full.     129-12. 

Fig.    2. —  tc't  teL  bul,  he  hung  it  up. 

Fig.    3. —  tuc  Ml,  I  will  hang  up.     115-6. 

Fig.    4. —  te' w6'  buL,  carry  it  (plu.  imp.).     110-15. 

Fig.    5. —  ta  te'um  muL,  eook  mush  (sing.  imp.).     163-14. 

Fig.    6. —  ta  tc'o'  buL,  cook  mush  (plu.  imp.),    123-13. 

Fig.    7. —  sun  da,  you  stay  (sing.  imp.).     79-7. 

Fig.    8. —  tc'n  nes  dai,  he  sat  down.    161-10. 

Fig.    9. —  nuc  dae,  I  will  dance.     103-9. 

Fig.  10. —  tc'e  na  gut  dac,  he  came  out  again.    149-13. 

Fig.  11. —  tc'  gun  dac  kwan,  he  had  danced. 

Fig.  12. —  ka  si  deF,  we  came  up.     141-2. 

Fig.  13. —  Le  ne*  ha*  tc'n  nun  deF,  all  came  up. 


[160] 


Ro««,^«  J 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  38 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1, —  te't  tes  de  le,  they  went  on.     108-12. 

Fig.    2. —  ti  duL,  let  us  go.     141-6. 

Fig.    3. —  te'  na  tc'uL  dec,  she  washed  them. 

Fig.    4. —  cun  di  ne,  the  sun  shines.    182-13. 

Fig.    5.—  n  d6«  bun,  it  will  not  be.     80-13. 

Fig.    6. —  n  d5^  ye,  there  is  none.     109-1. 

Fig.    7. —  ce  dun  ne,  I  died. 

Fig.    8. —  te'uLduk,  crack  them  (sing.  imp.).     138-2. 

Fig.    9. —  ce  e  dun  te  le,  I  will  die.    177-5. 

Fig.  10, —  te'  tc'  gun  tal*,  he  stepped  in  water. 

Fig.  11. —  te't  tan  *un  gi,  he  is  eating.     174-1. 


[162] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  39 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Pig.    1, —  ka  kw  noHe,  look  for  him.     160-1. 

Fig.    2. —  de  die  t^n,  I  put  in  the  fire. 

Fig.    3. —  begunteG,  he  taught.     122-11. 

Fig.    4. —  tein  no^  nun  tic,  hide  yourself  (sing.). 

Fig.    5. —  nes  tin,  it  is  lying.     182-3. 

Fig.    6.— no' tie,  put  it  (plu.  imp.).    168-13. 

Fig.    7. —  nun  s'us  tin,  he  pieked  him  up.     179-14. 

Fig.    8. —  tq^n  nas  tin,  she  took  out  again.     129-2. 

Fig.    9.—  ei  si  ti  ne,  I  lay.     175-16. 

Fig.  10. —  no  niL  ti  ne,  he  put  it. 

Fig.  11. —  na  tc'oL  ton^,  he  snapped  it 


[164] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  40 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  guL  tuk,  it  burst.     182-5. 

Fig.    2. —  k'uLt'ot',  he  sucked  it.     159-2. 

Fig.    3, —  us  tun  e,  it  is  cold. 

Fig.    4. —  sdjioLtuk,  kill  me  (plu.  imp.).     151-8. 

Fig.    5. —  tc'ic  t'a  te  le,  I  will  feather.     156-5. 

Fig.    6.— nunt'aG,  it  flew.     182-11. 

Fig.    7. —  ac  t'e  ye,  I  am. 

Fig.    8. —  us  t'e  ye%  it  is  cooked.     163-15. 

Fig.    9. —  na  kw  nie  t'a  kwie,  I  am  going  to  sling  at  him.     122-14. 

Fig.  10. —  nohin  toL  t'e,  you  cook  (plu.  imp.).    167-16. 

Fig.  11. —  nohin  tc'n  noL  t'^s,  you  cut  them   (plu.  imp.).     166-15. 

Fig.  12. —  tc'n  ne  siL  fats,  I  cut  it  up.     138-15. 


[166] 


» 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  41 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  k'  guL  ts'eG,  he  ate  soup. 

Fig.    2. —  nfin  yiL  tsuL,  it  beat  against.    86-12. 

Fig.    3. —  t%n  nas  djoP,  he  rolled  out  of  fire.     147- 

Fig.    4. —  na  dul  tcafi  kwafi,  he  had  eaten. 

Fig,    5. —  na  tc'aL,  he  was  chewing.     143-3. 

Fig.    6. —  na  die  tcan  xie,  I  ate.     171-9. 

Fig.    7. —  s'us  tc'an,  he  shot  it. 

Fig.    8. —  uLtei,  make  it.     79-8. 

Fig.    9. —  tc'gultcil,  he  kept  making.     144-8. 

Fig.  10.—  6  tc'6  ni  tea  ne,  I  left  him.     117-17. 

Fig.  11. —  te'guntceGe,  he  cried. 

Fig.  12. —  te' te  gus  tci^,  nearly  daylight. 

Fig.  13. —  tc'un  gun  tce^,  he  was  angry. 


[168] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  42 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  ci  tesiLtcol^,  I  stole. 

Fig.    2. —  gultcut,  he  caught  them. 

Fig.    3.—  na  guL  tcuL  ya«  ni,  he  got  wet  they  say,     126-16. 

Fig.    4. —  tc'eLteut,  stretch  it  out  (sing.  imp.).     77-13. 

Fig.    5. —  tc'eL  tci^  ya^  ni,  he  caught  it  they  say.     142-5. 

Fig.    6. —  na  ga  kw^,  he  had  walked.     154-12. 

Fig.    7. —  nun  ic  g%L,  let  me  chop. 

Fig.    8. —  nun  suL  gal,  you  beat?     129-10. 

Fig.    9.— tc'tgan«,  it  is  mouldy.     167-16. 

Fig.  10. —  tc'  giin  ga  ne,  he  killed. 

Fig.  11. —  k'e  guL  gal^,  she  threw  away. 

Fig.  12. —  na«  deL  g^l  kw^n,  he  had  poured.    125-13. 


[170] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  43 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  gul  ge  le,  it  was  getting  late. 

Fig.    2. —  n  hoc  t  ge^,  let  me  see  you.    142-6. 

Fig.    3. —  tc't  tes  gin,  he  carried.     101-9. 

Fig.    4. —  te'6  na  gut  guc,  he  looked  back.     87-13. 

Fig.    5. —  tc'on  t  gets',  he  looked  at  them. 

Fig.    6. —  te'  no  dug  ge^,  we  will  put  in  water.     139-9. 

Fig.    7. —  tc'n  nug  guc,  she  brings  in.     180-9. 

Fig.    8. —  niginne',  I  bring.     138-14. 

Fig.    9. —  tc'n  nun  nin,  he  brought.    135-11. 

Fig.  10. —  sel  gin  ya*  ni,  he  killed  they  say.     141-13. 

Fig.  11. —  Lelyits',  he  tied  together.     174-15. 


[172] 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  44 

VERBAL   STEMS 

Fig.    1, —  tc'qg,L  ya^  ni,  he  walked  they  say.     93-12. 
Fig.    2. —  t  gun  guts',  it  was  getting  thick.     126-11. 
Fig.    3. —  be  ne  siL  git  de,  I  am  getting  afraid.    130-15. 
Fig.    4. —  tc'geqot,  they  stretched.     114-1. 
Fig.    5. —  tc'e  naiL  gat  de,  he  sewed  up.     122-13. 
Fig.    6. —  no  na^n  nq,t,  he  untied  it.     122-15. 
Fig.    7. —  unqot,  spear  it.     128-12. 
Fig.    8. —  nun  un  duk  k'e^,  get  up  (sing.  imp.).     100-3. 
Fig.    9. —  do  tc't  tuL  k'uc,  it  did  not  lighten.     74-6. 
Fig.  10. —  nheskani,  we  spent  the  night.     167-7. 
Fig.  11.— nonanikats',  I  fell  back.     182-16. 


[174] 


o 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATE  45 

VERBAL    STEMS 

Fig.    1. —  ha  yi  k5wakac,  that  one  give  him  (a  basket  of  food). 

Fig.    2.— na' ke%  bathe  (plu.  imp.).     172-14. 

Fig.    3.—  bel  keS  he  finished. 

Pig,    4. —  noc  kut,  I  want  to  swallow  you.     181-14. 

Fig.    5. —  tc'  gul  kut,  he  swallowed.     109-7. 

Fig.    6. —  Le  ne^  ha*  te'n  nul  kut,  all  they  came.     154-12. 

Fig.    7.—  do  ha*  tc't  teL  kut,  they  did  not  go.    167-17. 

Fig.    8. —  do  ha*  CO  doL  kut,  do  not  ask  me.     166-8. 

Fig.    9. —  nun  neL  k'ai  ya*  ni,  he  hit  they  say.     156-14. 

Fig.  10. —  gulk'q,n,  there  was  a  fire.     162-13. 

Fig.  11. —  uL  k'an,  make  a  fire.    127-11. 

Fig.  12. —  t  gun  k'ote',  it  got  sour. 


[176] 


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